Discursive construction of Lithuania’s “others:” the case of Belarus

This article analyzes discursive representations of Lithuania and of Belarus as Lithuania’s “Other” in the context of the recent political crisis in Ukraine. Focusing on the media discourse of Lithuanian intellectuals regarding the historical Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) and its legacy, it examines how Belarus and its role vis-à-vis Lithuania have been depicted. The analysis is informed by the discourse-historical approach within critical discourse analysis, using thematic content and argumentation schemes for studying the images ascribed to the GDL, Belarus, and Lithuania in the selected texts. Focus in the discourse of intellectuals on the GDL as a historical homeland is found to shift from history as a scholarly endeavor to the politics of history and the uses of the past in today’s political projects. Belarus and the GDL emerge as topics not only historically and politically salient but also potentially dangerous for Lithuania within the setting of the events in Ukraine.     

Journeys of Candombe Federal by Martín Boneo. Their contribution to the social imaginary on Afro-Argentines

Among Martín Boneo's works, Candombe Federal is one of the most disseminated if we concentrate on its journeys through the visual imaginary; it depicts history books, memoirs, and academic research. This image combines aspects closely associated with negritude in our imaginary: the permanent link to Rosas (politician and army officer who ruled the Argentine Confederation almost uninterruptedly from 1829 to 1852), their immediate association with popular manifestations, specifically the candombe, and the relationship established by liberal writers at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century between this specific image and historical writings or memoirs. We believe that this conception about Afro-Argentinians becomes a stereotype and an invisibilization strategy whereby Afro-Argentinians are confined to the past, an abominable past which must not be repeated. Our purpose is to give an account on the use which was and is made of this image, because it fuels the social imaginary about Afro-Argentines.     

La Vía Campesina: the birth and evolution of a transnational social movement

The origin and evolution of the transnational peasant movement La Vía Campesina is analysed through five evolutionary stages. In the 1980s the withdrawal of the state from rural areas simultaneously weakened corporativist and clientelist control over rural organisations, even as conditions worsened in the countryside. This gave rise to a new generation of more autonomous peasant organisations, who saw the origins of their similar problems as largely coming from beyond the national borders of weakened nation-states. A transnational social movement defending peasant life, La Vía Campesina emerged out of these autonomous organisations, first in Latin America, and then at a global scale, during the 1980s and early 1990s (phase 1). Subsequent stages saw leaders of peasant organisations take their place at the table in international debates (1992–1999, phase 2), muscling aside other actors who sought to speak on their behalf; take on a leadership role in global struggles (2000–2003, phase 3); and engage in internal strengthening (2004–2008, phase 4). More recently (late 2008–present, phase 5) the movement has taken on gender issues more squarely and defined itself more clearly in opposition to transnational corporations. Particular emphasis is given to La Vía Campesina's fight to gain legitimacy for the food sovereignty paradigm, to its internal structure, and to the ways in which the (re)construction of a shared peasant identity is a key glue that holds the struggle together despite widely different internal cultures, creating a true peasant internationalism.     

Book reviews

Love, power and political interests

Anna G. Jónasdóttir, Love Power and Political Interests. Towards a Theory of Patriarchy in Contemporary Western Societies. 255 pp. Örebro Studies 7, 1991.

The power of the Will. Natalie Zahle. A biography

Birgitte Possing, Viljens Styrke. Natalie Zahle. En biografi (The Power of the Will. Natalie Zahle. A biography.) 2 vols. 622 pp. Summary in English. Copenhagen: Gyldendal 1992.

Image of god and gender models in Judaeo‐Christian tradition

Kari Elisabeth Börresen, ed, Image of God and Gender Models in Judaeo‐Christian Tradition. Oslo: Solum forlag, 1992.

Rethinking change

Rethinking Change ‐ Current Swedish Feminist Research. Uppsala: Swedish Science Press, 1992.

On the politics of theorizing strangers

Julia Kristeva, Strangers to Ourselves. Transl. Leon S. Roudiez. Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991.

Julia Kristeva, Muukalaisia itsellemme. Transl. Paivi Malinen. Gaudeamus, 1992.

Julia Kristeva, Främlingar för oss själva. Transl. Ann Runnqvist‐Vinde. Natur och kultur, 1991.

The state, mothers and day care for children

Arnlaug Leira, Welfare States and Working Mothers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.     

Ethnicity as political cleavage: the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania

This article examines the role of ethnicity in the formation of political cleavage and is based on the analysis of the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania after the re-establishment of the independent state in 1990. It analyzes the political performance of the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (EAPL), an ethnic-based “niche” political party that tends to keep a monopoly over the representation of interests of the Polish minority in Lithuania and collects a vast majority of the votes of citizens of Polish origin. The article considers how specific in comparison to the titular nation the interests of the Polish national minority are, and how different in comparison to the political agendas of other political parties the political agenda of the EAPL is.     

Legacies of State Socialism: A Comparative Study of Elite Attitudes towards EU Economic Competitiveness in Western and Central Eastern Europe

Abstract

The elites of Western Europe prefer social security for all citizens as the major aim of the EU, while the preference of Central and Eastern European elites is for a more globally competitive European economy. This disparity between elite preferences may be accounted for by the distinct electorates and elites’ responsive strategic calculations, or by the process of socialisation Central and Eastern European elites undergo during exposure to the EU. This article argues that the predominant reason for the difference in elite attitudes towards economic competition is the lasting effect of state socialism in Central and Eastern European countries.