首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   487篇
  免费   28篇
各国政治   38篇
工人农民   31篇
世界政治   49篇
外交国际关系   37篇
法律   210篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   142篇
综合类   7篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   5篇
  2020年   7篇
  2019年   12篇
  2018年   15篇
  2017年   23篇
  2016年   22篇
  2015年   27篇
  2014年   17篇
  2013年   82篇
  2012年   14篇
  2011年   26篇
  2010年   12篇
  2009年   30篇
  2008年   29篇
  2007年   26篇
  2006年   24篇
  2005年   20篇
  2004年   12篇
  2003年   13篇
  2002年   14篇
  2001年   7篇
  2000年   8篇
  1999年   4篇
  1998年   4篇
  1997年   8篇
  1996年   2篇
  1995年   2篇
  1992年   7篇
  1991年   2篇
  1990年   3篇
  1989年   3篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   1篇
  1986年   2篇
  1985年   3篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   2篇
  1982年   2篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   1篇
  1979年   2篇
  1978年   1篇
  1977年   4篇
  1975年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
  1968年   1篇
  1966年   1篇
排序方式: 共有515条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
151.
Considerable ambiguity exists regarding the effect of government/opposition status on party platform change. Existing theories predict that (1) it has no effect, (2) opposition parties change more, (3) opposition parties change more after several spells in opposition, and (4) parties’ responses vary because of different goal orientations. We propose that a party's aspiration to office, measured by its historical success or failure in entering office, determines a party's reaction to being in opposition or government. We hypothesize that, because of loss aversion, parties with low office aspiration change more when they are in government than when they are in opposition. Conversely, parties with high office aspiration change more as opposition party than as government party. We find evidence for these hypotheses through a pooled time‐series cross‐sectional analysis of 1,686 platform changes in 21 democracies, using the Comparative Manifesto Data and an innovative measure of party platform change.  相似文献   
152.
Is commission of crime deterred by fear of arrest? Individual self-reported data on the commission of three crimes are analyzed in relation to perceived probabilities of arrest for more than 3000 French-speaking teenagers of the Montreal school population in 1974. The crimes are shoplifting, drug use, and stealing an item worth more than $50.00. In addition to the effect of the individuals' perceptions of the probability of arrest for the three crimes, age, sex, and previous arrest record are also taken into account. The data are all categorical. A multivariate log-linear probability model is estimated in order to test hypotheses concerning the direction and magnitude of bivariate associations among the variables. We conclude that there is clear evidence of a negative association between the subjective probability of arrest for each crime and the frequency of commission of that crime. We also find some negative cross-effects of the perceptions of the probability of arrest for one type of crime on the commission of another, holding constant the direct effects.  相似文献   
153.
Drug packets are usually detected by ordinary abdominal radiographs, which is of major importance in the apprehension and prosecution of drug body packers, but false negatives may occur. We report the case of a cocaine body packer who had used the prograde route and in whom the initial abdominal plain films were normal. The diagnosis of cocaine body packing was assessed by seldom-described complementary methods of detection, including drug detection in the urine and contrast study of the bowel.  相似文献   
154.
155.
Critics regarded the selection of urban empowerment zones and enterprise communities by Secretary Cisneros in 1994 as sympathetic to President Clinton's considerations. However, the secretary countered that cities were chosen based on their ability to revitalize their communities successfully, as outlined in their applications. To determine whether the secretary responded to top-down presidential preferences, data from the complete list of applications is used to test four hypotheses derived from principal—agent theory. The results of the logistic regression models do not validate the significance of the presidential variables (for instance, presidential support score for each city's congressional delegation, marginal districts, and 1992 state vote for President Clinton). Rather, many of the nonpresidential variables (community participation, size of the empowerment zone or enterprise community, and poverty) were significant in supporting the secretary's contention.  相似文献   
156.
157.
158.
159.
Marc A. Fried 《Society》1966,3(6):42-47
  相似文献   
160.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号