Introduction to the Special Issue on Comparative Chinese/American Public Administration

In the field of public administration practice, China has a history of several thousand years, whereas the United States has a much shorter history of hundreds of years of governance. In terms of the scholarly development of public administration in China, the roots of those intellectual resources can be traced far back, to Confucius's ideology of governance and the ancient development of a civil service system some 2,000 years ago. In terms of the systematic development of public administration as an independent subject of learning, however, the United States has been a leader worldwide. Public administration as a discipline in the United States dates back to the late nineteenth century, with extensive scholarly research and publications in the early twentieth century ( Follett 1926 ; Goodnow 1900 ; Taylor 1912 ; Weber 1922 ; White 1926 ). In the Chinese context, although there were occasional studies of public administration in the first half of the twentieth century, systematic study was deferred until the middle of the 1980s. They were only truly continued following the official launch of master of public administration degree programs at the beginning of the twenty-first century. In this respect, China was a latecomer, and Chinese scholars almost always date the study and scholarship in this field to about 1980. Over the past eighty years or so, the United States has established more than 200 MPA and related programs, while China has founded 100 MPA programs in just the past eight years. Recognizing the urgent need for MPA training, China is trying to catch up to the demand for social development and societal transition. Considering that China has a population of 1.3 billion, compared to a population of 300 million in the United States, it looks as if there is great potential for China to expand its MPA programs .     

Can We Have a Public Bioethic?

This essay examines the viability of a publically held, articulated, and enacted bioethic in America's democratic regime. The essay takes the writings of several thinkers associated with the President's Council on Bioethics as its point of departure. The essay draws attention to some of the enduring moral, political, religious, and intellectual currents inherent in American civil society that will continue to provide both resources for and obstacles to any publicly held bioethic in America.

Assessing Qualitative Studies in Public Administration Research

Systematic reviews of research methods in the public administration field have assessed the progress of research practice and offered relevant recommendations to further develop research quality. But most recent reviews examine quantitative studies, and the few assessments of qualitative scholarship tend to focus on specific dimensions. This article calls attention to the overall practice of qualitative research in the field of public administration. The authors analyzed 129 qualitative studies published during a five‐year period (2010–14) in the six top public administration journals, combining bibliometric and qualitative analyses. Three findings are drawn from the analysis. First, qualitative work represents a very small percentage of the journal articles published in the field. Second, qualitative research practice uses a small range of methodologies, mainly case studies. Finally, there is inconsistency in reporting methodological decisions. The article discusses the implications of these findings and offers recommendations to ensure methodological rigor while considering the integrity of the logic of inquiry and reporting standards of qualitative research practice.     

New light on the Cold War?

The Cold War has traditionally been interpreted in moral terms, but it turns out that statesmen were less ideological and far more sensitive to the logic of power than we had been led to believe. It thus makes sense to interpret that conflict in a new way — or really in much the same way as international politics has traditionally been interpreted: as a political conflict, in which power factors loomed large, and about which moral judgements are problematic. This basic claim is supported by some key examples relating to the Potsdam Conference, the Berlin Crisis and the Kennedy period.     

The Impact of SWAps on Health Aid Displacement of Domestic Health Expenditure

Recent research suggests that an additional $1 of health aid would displace – or crowd out – nearly the same amount in a recipient government’s own health expenditure. Implementing a Sector Wide Approach (SWAp) may exacerbate crowding out because recipient governments should face fewer constraints when allocating health aid. This paper uses rigorous panel data methods to investigate this hypothesised effect of SWAps. We find that SWAps provide not an exacerbating but a potentially protective effect, reducing displacement of government health expenditure. This suggests some aid dollars are more fungible than others, and the mechanism for aid delivery makes a difference.     

REALITY IS. . . . A RESPONSE TO MARTINDALE,TIPPINS, BEN‐PORATH,AUSTIN, AND WITTMANN

This article is written as a response to the Martindale et al. critique of the Ackerman and Pritzl (2011) child custody evaluation practices article. The Martindale et al. critique focuses on a small portion of the overall results regarding test usage and suggests that the entire article is “flawed and deficient.” However, their critique engages in confirmatory bias and exaggerated statements and ignores the overall value of the article in general. A more broad‐based explanation of the results is provided herein.     

中英海上保险法中的保证制度

保证源于英国的海上保险实践 ,是海上保险法中特有的法律制度 ,各国规范海上保险的法规中都有与此相关的内容。本文分别对中国海商法和英国 190 6年海上保险法中有关保证制度的规定进行了介绍 ,并且分析了大陆法系特别是比利时法对有关保证的一些实践做法 ,对中国海商法的修改提出了一些建议。     

Do Voters’ Coalition Preferences Affect Government Formation?

Studies on coalition formation assume that political parties have two major goals: they aim to maximise office and policy payoffs. This paper shows that decision-making in the government formation game is also determined by the voters’ coalition preferences. Since the coalition formation process is not a one-shot game, parties have to take the coalition preferences of the electorate into account when they evaluate the utility of potential coalitions. If parties fail to comply with the coalition preferences of voters, they are likely to be penalised in future elections. The argument is tested by an analysis of government formation in the 16 German states between 1990 and 2009. The results support the argument: the formation of coalitions – at least in the German states – is not only determined by office- and policy-seeking behaviour of political parties, but also by the preferences of voters regarding their preferred outcome of the coalition game.