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Marc Buggeln 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2018,59(1):13-35
This article examines how political scientists in West Germany (1949–1989) dealt with public finance issues. Facing the enormous challenges of establishing a democracy and coming to terms with the legacy of National Socialism, it shows that neither tax nor budget policy played much of a role in this fledgling discipline during the first two decades of this country’s history. This was changing during the 1970s with the emergence of the largely neo-Marxist influenced debates about the nature of the state, when attention turned toward its finances. The resulting scholarly works argued primarily at the meta-level, however. It was not until the 1980s that researchers produced their first empirically sound, international comparative studies, focusing above all on budget policy. 相似文献
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AbstractIn recent decades, a new integration-demarcation cleavage has emerged in Europe, pitting political parties in favour of globalisation against those opposing globalisation. Although a lot is known about the socio-structural basis and the political organisation of this cleavage, we do not know the extent to which these political divides have led to social divides. Therefore, this article investigates how losers and winners of globalisation oppose each other. On the basis of representative online experiments in Germany and Austria, this article studies attitudes and behaviour towards people with different nationalities, education, and party preferences, which correspond to the cultural, socio-structural, and organisational elements of the new cleavage. More particularly, the extent to which people are willing to interact with each other in daily life and how much they trust each other is investigated. The main results show that people who identify with different parties (especially if they belong to the other side of the cleavage) oppose each other much more strongly than people with different nationalities. There is no divide, however, between the low-skilled and high-skilled. Finally, it appears that the social divides are asymmetrical: the winners of globalisation resent the losers more than the other way round. 相似文献
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Marc de Vries 《Computer Law & Security Report》2011,27(1):68-74
Despite various studies evincing the huge potential locked up in public sector information (PSI), this potential is far from being fully exploited. To a large extent, this failure is caused by the immensely complex legal labyrinth surrounding PSI re-use. This complexity works in two ways: public sector bodies do not comply with the regulatory framework and re-users do not avail themselves of the legal instruments offered, resulting in unexploited economic potential. What makes the legal framework so complex is the transcending nature of PSI re-use, as it blends four areas of law - freedom of information law, ICT law, intellectual property law and competition law - that, throughout the years, have been regulated at a European, national and even at a sectoral level, but in isolation. The fundamental impact that ICT developments have on our society, subsequently also rocking the legal rules and underlying principles and axioms, makes the picture even more complicated. Taking the maximization of utility of PSI as a starting point in this article, I will anatomize each of these legal frameworks and demonstrate how they interact, culminating in a conceptual framework that may help public sector bodies and re-users, and courts where necessary, to apply and rely on the rules involved and to bring to the surface areas for policy action, both at the national and European level. 相似文献
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This paper investigates the effects of revolving door regulations – laws that restrict the post‐government employment opportunities of public sector workers – on the characteristics of state public utility commissioners. We find that commissioners from states with revolving door regulations have less expertise, serve shorter terms, and are less likely to be subsequently employed by the private sector, compared with their counterparts from states without revolving door laws. These findings suggest that revolving door regulations may have costly unintended consequences. 相似文献
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Abstract: Historically, Swiss identity was founded on beliefs in federalism, direct democracy and armed neutrality. Given continued popular support for autonomous self‐defense in an era of transnational threats, it is worth examining whether a small economically interdependent state, such as Switzerland, is single‐handedly capable of providing for its own security. To preview our conclusions, every facet of Switzerland’s security, whether against military threats, terrorism or natural disasters, today benefits from substantial international inputs. At base, Switzerland’s increasing security dependence has been driven by the following dynamics: 1) the general development of institutionalized international cooperation; 2) the evolving nature of the threats Switzerland faces; and 3) political efforts to “securitize” issues not hitherto considered as security problems. Because Swiss security dependence owes more to broad structural factors than deliberate choices, policymakers would be better off embracing this reality by proactively using international organizations to address transnational challenges. 相似文献