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In the literature on post-Suharto Indonesia, an increasingly dominant stream has portrayed the political system as being hijacked by predatory elite interests associated with the fallen New Order regime. While such characterisations describe important elements of the post-1998 polity, they do not tell the full story. At the same time that patronage-driven career politicians have staked their claims in the newly democratic state, a large number of civil society activists also started to play an active role in formal politics. This article illustrates how human rights advocates, women activists and labour leaders have tried to promote their causes not from the margins of civil society, but from within the power centre of political institutions. To be sure, some activists-turned-politicians have failed in this effort, but others have initiated key pieces of legislation that led to ground-breaking reforms. In comparative terms, the article demonstrates that Indonesian activists have created an effective political niche for themselves, avoiding both the patterns of state co-optation so prevalent in South Korea and the anti-system attitudes of activist politicians in Malaysia.  相似文献   
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Wulfert  Katrin  Lau  Marcus  Köstermeyer  Heiko 《Natur und Recht》2022,44(7):441-451
Natur und Recht - Um die Klimaschutzziele nach 3 Abs. 1 KSG zu erreichen, müssen die regenerativen Energien rasch ausgebaut werden. Mit Putins Angriff auf die Ukraine ist die Wichtigkeit der...  相似文献   
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European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research - We provide empirical support for a positive relationship between social safety spending and the phenomenon of ISIS foreign fighters, particularly...  相似文献   
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To facilitate a deeper understanding of domestic homicide (DH), the correctional files of 37 male DH perpetrators were examined. Victim, perpetrator and offense characteristics were compared against those from 78 non-domestic homicide perpetrator files to elucidate distinct dynamics. Risk factors preceding DHs were identified retrospectively using the revised Danger Assessment (DA; Campbell et al. 2009), and the role of psychopathy was explored via the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (Hare 2003). DHs exhibited distinctive dynamics, especially in terms of perpetrators’ predominant drives to inflict harm out of proprietary revenge. Most DHs did not occur “out of the blue”, as 82.9 % of cases showed elements of planning; and 86.5 % were identified as a homicide risk according to the revised DA. Psychopathic DH perpetrators were less likely to act suicidal prior to homicides and more likely to kill in a dispassionate, premeditated and gratuitously violent manner. The findings underscore the importance of coordinated community responses.  相似文献   
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This article addresses practical implications for preventing lethal and nonlethal domestic violence (DV) that stem from recent research on male domestic homicide perpetrators. The role of risk assessment and batterer intervention programs is emphasized, including specific programming for treatment-resistant perpetrators. Adjunct interventions for related problems (e.g., anger, suicidal behaviour, substance abuse) are offered, and risk management tactics are summarized. The article highlights the significance of safety planning for victims and teaching youth skills for forming and maintaining healthy relationships. Possible solutions to the problem of DV perpetrators who avoid arrest also are highlighted (e.g., public awareness campaigns). Additionally, this article discusses approaches for dealing with psychopathic DV perpetrators, including the possible benefits of community education on psychopathy and early intervention for youth at risk for developing these traits. Some policy implications concerning DV and psychopathy also are covered. The article underscores the importance of coordinated community responses to DV.  相似文献   
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