Book reviews: Art and womanhood: From the female imagination to feminine consciousness

The Female Imagination, by Patricia Meyer Spacks. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975, $10.

Feminine Consciousness in the Modern British Novel, by Sydney Janet Kaplan. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975, $7.95.     

Models of funding and reimbursement in health care: A conceptual framework

Abstract: What is the best way to pay providers to deliver health services? The research evidence strongly suggests that there is no single answer; rather, one must consider the incentives and disincentives inherent in alternative health‐care funding models. This article suggests a conceptual framework for categorizing payment mechanisms that highlights different policy options and their associated tradeoffs. It concentrates on the following: distinctions between need, demand, and utilization as they affect the rationale for government involvement; models of the possible funding flows (two‐way, three‐way, and four‐way) as they affect policy levers; and implications of various approaches to payment. The framework is then used to clarify the advantages and disadvantages of particular approaches to financing health care and to clarify the tradeoffs involved. Sommaire: Quel est le meilleur moyen de payer les fournisseurs pour leur prestation de services de santé? Les données probantes de la recherche laissent fortement entendre qu'il n'existe pas une seule et unique réponse; il faut plutôt tenir compte des incitatifs et des désincitatifs inhérents aux autres modèles de financement des soins de santé. Pour classer par catégories les mécanismes de paiement, le présent article propose un cadre conceptuel qui souligne différentes options de politiques et les compromis qui leur sont associés. Il se concentre sur : les distinctions entre besoin, demande et utilisation qui ont une incidence sur la justification de l'intervention du gouvernement; les modèles des flux de financement possibles (à deux, trois et quatre directions) qui ont une incidence sur les leviers politiques; et les implications de diverses approches à l'égard du paiement. Le cadre est alors utilisé pour préciser les avantages et les inconvénients des approches particulières concernant le financement des soins de santé, et pour clarifier les compromis impliqués.     

Community‐based environmental management in Vietnam: the challenge of sharing power in a politically guided society

The article presents the challenges of introducing a ‘shared‐power’ community‐based management approach in the socialist society of Vietnam. The Portland State University (PSU)'s Oregon Environmental Management Alliance partnered with Vietnamese organisations in a shared‐power pilot project aimed at strengthening stakeholder participation in environmental improvements in two communities along the Tan Hoa‐Lo Gom (THLG) canal in Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC). The Oregon Solutions model, a community‐based environmental management (CBEM) approach, was adapted for the shared‐power project. This article analyses three core ingredients of the shared‐power CBEM approach: multiple stakeholder structure, dispersed authority arrangements and diverse policy instruments. Critical reflections are offered on the meaning and appropriateness of these shared‐power ingredients when they are reinvented in Vietnam's politically guided governance system. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Der Risikoansatz in der europäischen Hochwassermanagementrichtlinie

Zusammenfassung  Die Bewertung der Richtlinie 2007/60/EG (Hochwassermanagementrichtlinie) durch Michael Reinhardt aus ausschlie?lich rechtlicher Sicht greift zu kurz, um die Bedeutung für das deutsche Wasserrecht und vor allem die beh?rdliche Praxis zu erfassen. Der Hochwasserschutz in Deutschland folgt derzeit überwiegend noch einem Sicherheitsansatz, w?hrend die Hochwassermanagementrichtlinie im Geiste eines Risikoansatzes formuliert ist.     

Patterns of political instability: Affiliation patterns of politicians and voters in post-communist Estonia,Latvia, and Lithuania

In contrast to established party systems, the transformation of post-communist party systems is not only shaped by shifts in electoral preferences, but also by the changing organizational loyalties of politicians. Post-communist politicians pursue a wide range of organizational strategies such as party fusions, fissions, start-ups, and interparty switching. By focusing on the interaction between these organizational strategies and voters’ electoral preferences, we argue that the seeming instability of post-communist party systems actually reveals distinct patterns of political change. The article develops an analytical framework, which incorporates politician-driven interparty mobility and voter-induced electoral change. It uses this framework to show that the apparently inchoate party systems of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania actually follow definable modes of transformation. Marcus Kreuzer is assistant professor of political science at Villanova University. His work focuses on how electoral and legislative institutions shape the organizational and electioneering practices of parties in interwar Europe and post-communist democracies. He also is studying the origins of liberal democracy in nineteenth century Europe. He is author ofInstitutions and Innovation—Voters, Politicians and Interest Groups in the Consolidation of Democracy: France and Germany, 1870–1939 (2001). Vello Pettai is lecturer in political science at the University of Tartu, Estonia. He specializes in comparative ethnopolitics and party politics. He has published previously inNations and Nationalism, Post-Soviet Affairs, East European Politics and Society, andJournal of Democracy. We would like to thank for Artis Pabriks and Darius Zeruolis for sharing their knowledge of Latvian and Lithuanian party politics as well as John T. Ishiyama, Scott Desposato, and two anonymous SCID reviewers for commenting on an earlier draft. Funding for this research came from an Estonian Science Foundation grant, nr. 4904. We gratefully acknowledge their support.     

Introduction to the forum ‘The EU's Common Security and Defence Policy and the challenge of democratic legitimacy beyond the nation-state’

The democratic control and legitimacy of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has received growing attention. However, thus far, studies have mostly focused on ‘blue prints’, i.e., the analysis of formal powers of formal institutions, especially the European Parliament. These studies leave two desiderata that the contributions to this forum aim at overcoming: Firstly, in-depth case studies are required on how formal institutions make actual use of their formal powers in CSDP. Secondly, an examination of the ‘sociocultural infrastructure’ in which formal institutions and decision-making processes are embedded is required. The contributions to this forum redress both deficits. First, the actual practices of parliamentary involvement in the case of the EU's first maritime mission ‘Atalanta’ are examined. Second, the most important dimensions of the ‘sociocultural infrastructure’ are empirically studied, namely public opinion, the public sphere and civil society.     

How has Radical Right Support Transformed Established Political Conflicts? The Case of Austria

In many European party systems, the radical right has challenged established patterns of political competition. This article studies the consequences of this by using the case of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and data from Austria’s first national election study (AUTNES). It is found that the FPÖ has weakened Austria’s previously highly stable system of socio-structural and ideological divisions as expressed by the two mainstream parties, the People’s Party and the Social Democrats. In socio-structural terms, the FPÖ has undermined the Social Democrats’ support base. In ideological terms, FPÖ voters have distinct views on newer issues such as immigration, European integration and dissatisfaction with the political system, but its supporters’ views on Austria’s traditional conflicts surrounding the economy and social and religious values cannot explain the party’s success. These findings further our understanding of the transformation of political conflicts not just in Austria, but in Western Europe in general.