Gendering the union: imperial feminism and the ladies’ land league

The Act of Union of 1800, establishing Westminster control over Irish affairs, had important repercussions for the development of feminism within nineteenth-century Ireland, as well as contributing towards adifferentiation of Irish from British feminism. Feminism within Ireland was shaped by class, religion and racial identification: one strand followed theBritish model of Protestant philanthropy, while the other was concerned with asserting women's right to take part in nationalist political struggle. ‘Imperial’ feminists in Britain and Ireland, concerned with establishing their right to take part in the affairs of the ‘nation’, perceived those Irish who rejected British imperial rule as uncivilised, reserving sympathy for those whose economic position was threatened by the activities of those who campaigned against the landlord system. The period of the Land War of 1879–82 illustrates these conflicting discourses. The subsequent decline of imperial power in Ireland can be traced through a gradual change within Irish feminism from an initial support for the Union to a later embrace of nationalism, as young middle-class women, many from Catholic backgrounds, became involved in the movement     

Hannah more and the rhetoric of educational reform

The Evangelical reformer Hannah More hoped to change the educational practices of the British upper classes. In Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education (1799), Hints Toward Forming the Character of a Princess (1805), and Coelebs in Search of a Wife (1808), More lays out a program devised primarily for girls, but to some extent also applicable to the education of boys. All these works assert that education should focus relentlessly upon the inculcation of Christian principles and such a proposal was implicitly critical of current practices. In order to promote her program effectively, More had to suggest that it was not incompatible with the most influential eighteenth-century pedagogical theories. This rhetorical strategy was a success in practical terms, but prevented her from achieving coherence as an educational theorist     

The Emergence of Feminism in Fiji 1

This article traces the etymology of Indo‐Fijian (Fiji Indian) feminisms in Fiji. In the first section, the resistances of female indentured laborers (for example, Sukhrania, Naraini and Kunti) are recovered as reflections of early forms of individualized feminisms in the early 1900s. In the second section, it is proposed that the informal and organic, yet socially significant movement of Indian women laborers in Fiji in the 1920s comprised one of the first collective intersections of gendered, classed and ethnicized relationships in Fiji. The 1930 (post‐indenture) women's movement, with its main emphasis on economic empowerment, is included in the discussion of Indo‐Fijian feminisms in the third section. The conclusion highlights that while each phase of the early feminist movement in Fiji focused on a different set of concerns that impacted on the lives of Indo‐Fijian women, this group of women have played and continue to play a prominent role in furthering the rights of women nationally and regionally.     

Using the mass-observation archive as a source for women's studies

Playing the violin in Japan was pioneered by women. The first Japanese to study the violin abroad were Kôda Nobu (1870–1946) and Andô Kô (née Kôda, 1878–1963). Both taught at the Tokyo Academy of Music (now Tokyo University of the Arts) after their return. Kôda later opened a piano studio. The article describes their lives and careers and shows how their Western expertise gave them unprecedented opportunities while their gender imposed limitations. It discusses the sisters' role in the transmission of Western music to Japan in the context of Western as well as Japanese preconceptions about appropriate musical roles for women.     

Women’s Right to Asylum: Protecting the Rights of Female Asylum Seekers in Europe?

Criticisms have been made against international laws and conventions on asylum and refugees, arguing that these have been based on a male model of definition, which have ignored women’s persecutions. This article will argue that recent developments in European asylum policy have the potential to deepen this discrimination and to further reduce the rights of female asylum seekers. Although there have been some positive developments in jurisprudence that have recognised that gender-specific persecution may be the basis for granting asylum, these advances remain relatively sporadic and are undermined by the operation of random and discretionary exercises of power by bureaucrats and decision makers in many cases. Further, although new developments in asylum policy are in theory “gender neutral,” differences in the material circumstances of men and women who arrive to seek asylum may mean in effect that the implications of these policies are deeply gendered.