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41.
42.
Magdalena Zawisza Russell Luyt Anna Maria Zawadzka Jacek Buczny 《Journal of Gender Studies》2018,27(4):464-480
Advertisers shy away from using non-traditional (vs. traditional) male gender portrayals even though theory suggests they may be more effective cross-nationally. Two main hypotheses were tested cross-nationally for the first time. H1: ‘paternalistic’ male stereotypes (e.g. Househusband) would be more effective than ‘envious’ male stereotypes (e.g. Businessman) across countries confirming the stereotype content model (SCM). H2: the match between initial male gender role attitudes and advertisement type would increase advertisement effectiveness only in countries with relatively low egalitarian norms (i.e. Poland and South Africa). A cross-national study was conducted through the use of student samples following a 3(country: United Kingdom, Poland and South Africa) × 2(advertisement type) × (gender attitude) mixed design (N = 373). A three-way multivariate analysis of variance showed support for H1 and partial support for H2 (i.e. the second hypothesis held on purchase intent and for South Africa). The study provides evidence for the cross-national applicability of the SCM to advertising and the limited predictive value of gender attitudes for purchase intent depending on country. Thus, contrary to mainstream advertising practices, breaking male gender stereotypes does appear to pay cross-nationally. Theoretical and practical implications alongside the potential for change in practices are discussed. 相似文献
43.
44.
Maria Todorova 《The History of the Family》1996,1(4):443-459
The article seeks to reassess the traditional stereotype of the complex Balkan family, especially in Bulgaria, on the basis of published and unpublished materials. On most measure features, such as population structure, marriage patterns, fertility and mortality rates, family and household size and structure, and inheritance patterns the Balkans show a great deal of variety and, on some measures, are more like the western and central parts of Europe than the easter-part. But all attempts to argue for the historical predominance of the zadruga in southeastern Europe (and in Bulgaria in particular) are presumptious, because the zadruga has been firmly documented only for the period from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century, when it was not statistically predominant. Its appearance (or recurrence) and decline could be explained by different factors, and almost promising area of exploration seems to be the possible connection between a stockbreeding economy and multiple families of the zadruga type. 相似文献
45.
Lina Maria Sanchez-Cespedes 《发展研究杂志》2018,54(10):1719-1736
We estimate the effect of armed conflict on adolescents’ childbearing transition. Three types of models are estimated: models in origin, which determine the current effect of violence; context change models, which estimate the effect of decreased violence levels; and violence aftermath models, which indicate the groups that do not completely adapt to a peaceful context. Through multilevel logistic models, we find that the coefficient of violence depends on the municipality in where adolescents reside or resided. We conclude that violence promotes the transition to childbearing particularly among rural females. However, a reduction in violence levels reduces the probabilities of childbearing. 相似文献
46.
Noemi Pace Silvio Daidone Benjamin Davis Sudhanshu Handa Marco Knowles Robert Pickmans 《发展研究杂志》2018,54(11):2023-2060
This paper investigates the interplay between the Social Cash Transfer Programme (SCTP) and the Farm Input Subsidy Programme (FISP) in Malawi. We take advantage of data collected from a 17-month evaluation of a sample of households eligible to receive SCTP, which also provided information about inclusion into FISP. We estimate two types of synergies: i) the complementarity between SCTP and FISP, that is whether the impact of both interventions run together is larger than the sum of the impacts of these interventions when run separately, and ii) the incremental impact of receiving FISP when a household already receives SCTP, as well as the incremental impact of receiving SCTP when a household already receives FISP. The analysis shows that there are synergies between the two policy interventions, mainly in terms of incremental impacts of each programme over the other, in increasing expenditure, agricultural production and livestock. 相似文献
47.
Marco Morini 《Contemporary Politics》2018,24(4):418-435
‘Euro Animal 7’ is the name given informally to 7 animal protection parties which represent voters in Cyprus, Germany, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. These parties contested in the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election and gained representation in Germany and the Netherlands. Animal advocacy parties are also represented in the national parliaments of Portugal and the Netherlands.
Animal protection is an emergent issue in international politics and this research offers an account of the political positioning of these animal advocacy parties, analyzing their manifestos and the election results. While acknowledging that some parties have distinct ideological traits and some are still reclusive in the form of a single-issue party, this article argues that animal advocacy parties constitute a new party family in European politics. 相似文献
48.
Marcia M. Croft Maria I. Marshall Martins Odendo Christine Ndinya Naman N. Ondego Pamela Obura 《发展研究杂志》2018,54(4):758-775
Indigenous vegetables play an important role in Kenyan food security, but production is limited by poor seed quality. Traditionally, seeds have been traded through informal networks, but a new formal seed sector is emerging. This study assessed the relative potential for formal or informal seed systems to meet the need for high-quality indigenous vegetable seed. By evaluating determinants of farmers’ seed purchasing behaviour, we conclude that informal seed systems have greater potential to meet this need and should be strengthened. This study suggests that policy-makers should use context-specific data to guide decisions on seed policy. 相似文献
49.
Josep Maria Antentas 《Labor History》2017,58(1):106-131
Since 15 May 2011 Spain has progressively entered a political and regime crisis in which the main institutional pillars of the political system constructed in 1977-1978 during the transition from the Franco dictatorship to parliamentary democracy suffered from serious wear. This can be analysed following Gramsci's notion of hegemony crisis whose main features fit well with the current situation in Spain. The regime crisis has passed through different stages – the last being the emergence and rise in the polls of Podemos, which emerged in a context marked by the deepening of the crisis and the difficulty of securing significant social victories. To understand the meaning of this current regime crises it is useful to read history, following Walter Benjamin as an open process full of bifurcations with no linear trajectory. Spanish regime crisis opens for the first time since the seventies the possibility of a social and political change whose final sense is still uncertain. 相似文献
50.
Marco Soresina 《Labor History》2017,58(4):450-467
This article aims to re-examine the history of non-manual labour, beginning with an analysis of the evolution of general norms governing the contracts of private sector workers in Italy, from the post-First World War period up until the creation of the fascist corporate system in the 1930s. The starting point is the 1919 law that defined the specific characteristics of white-collar workers, expressed as a bond of trust and delegation on the part of employers, from whom legally established and binding guarantees were issued. These guarantees included the offer of permanent employment and the right to compensation should said employment be terminated. This law was reformed during the fascist era, but continued to influence the collective labour agreements stipulated by unions under the regime, contributing to the sustained social status of white-collar workers, particularly in comparison to manual labourers. This article will highlight the difficulties in applying these standards, and the legal and union disputes they generated, exploring an area rarely discussed by historians, while also, as a case study, scrutinizing the more advanced situation of employees in the banking sector – a sector which, from a regulatory and contractual point of view, represented the white-collar élite, as it would continue to do for a long time after the Second World War. 相似文献