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951.
Lucia Tattoli Ph.D. Eloisa Maselli M.D. Maria Carolina Romanelli M.D. Giancarlo Di Vella Ph.D. Biagio Solarino Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(2):564-567
Chest skeletal injuries are the most frequent complications of external chest massage (ECM) during cardiopulmonary resuscitation, but heart and great vessels lacerations that are indeed very rare. We report the case of a 35‐year‐old workman who collapsed and underwent ECM by his co‐workers for almost 30 min. At autopsy, no external injuries, fractures or bruises of the ribs or sternum, were observed. A hemopericardium with a rupture of the heart was found, with no signs of pre‐existent cardiac disease. Bruises of thoracic aortic wall, lung petechiae, a contusion of the liver, and bruises of lumbar muscles were found. The cause of death was due to sudden cardiac death with an extensive cardiac rupture. This is an unusual report of massive heart damage without any skeletal or muscle chest injuries, secondary to cardiopulmonary resuscitation. This kind of cardiac lesions may be considered when thoracic–abdominal trauma, or medical history, is unclear. 相似文献
952.
Cristian Palmiere M.D. Maria del Mar Lesta M.D. Jessica Vanhaebost M.D. Patrice Mangin M.D. Ph.D. Marc Augsburger Ph.D. Pierre Vogt M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(3):836-840
We herein report the case of a 36‐year‐old man who died suddenly after a fight with another man. Forensic investigations included unenhanced computed tomography, postmortem angiography, autopsy, histology, neuropathology, toxicology, and biochemistry and allowed a traumatic cause of death to be excluded. An electrocardiogram recorded some years prior to death revealed the presence of an early repolarization pattern. Based on the results of all investigations, the cause of death was determined to be cardiac arrhythmia and cardiac arrest during an emotionally stressful event associated with physical assault. Direct third party involvement, however, was excluded, and the manner of death was listed as natural. The case was not pursued any further by the public prosecutor. 相似文献
953.
Marina Sorochinski Maria Hartwig Jeffery Osborne Eugenia Wilkins Jonathan Marsh Dmitriy Kazakov Pär Anders Granhag 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2014,29(2):87-94
Research shows that there are few objective cues to deception. However, it may be possible to create such cues by strategic interviewing techniques. Strategic Use of Evidence (SUE) is one such technique. The basic premise of the SUE technique is that liars and truth tellers employ different counter-interrogation strategies, and that the evidence against the suspect can be used to exploit these differences in strategies. This study examined the effect of the timing of evidence disclosure (early vs. late vs. gradual) on verbal cues to deception. We predicted that late disclosure would be most effective in differentiating between liars and truth-tellers, and that cues to deception in the gradual disclosure condition would progressively disappear due to the suspects’ realization that evidence against them exists. That is, we expected that liars in the gradual presentation condition would become more consistent with the evidence over time. A sample of 86 undergraduate students went through a mock-terrorism paradigm (half innocent, half guilty), and were subsequently interviewed using one of three disclosure strategies: early, gradual, and late disclosure. We measured statement-evidence inconsistencies as cues to deception . Results supported our predictions in that cues to deception were most pronounced in the late disclosure condition. Contrary to our expectations, the results suggested that presenting the evidence gradually may put innocent suspects at a higher risk of misclassification as they seem to adopt a strategy that is more similar to guilty suspects. 相似文献
954.
Maria Salvina Signorelli Eleonora Arcidiacono Giuseppina Musumeci Santo Di Nuovo Eugenio Aguglia 《Journal of family violence》2014,29(4):361-369
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a public health problem that requires valid assessment tools. The aim of the study is to evaluate the psychometric properties of the Italian version of the revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS-2) in a sample of 209 women (143 from the general population and 66 IPV victims). Based on factor analysis, five subscales were proposed, partially corresponding to the original scales: negotiation, violence, extreme violence, injury, and sexual coercion. The reliability of the subscales was good, ranging from 0.78 to 0.96. The discriminant capacity of the scores was assessed comparing victims versus non-abused women, and extreme violence correlated positively with depression, injury and negotiation but negatively with alexithymia. These results indicate that the Italian version of CTS-2 scale can be recommended for use in research and clinical programs. 相似文献
955.
Maria Papadakaki Eleni Petridou Elena Petelos Evi Germeni Manolis Kogevinas Christos Lionis 《Journal of family violence》2014,29(4):371-379
The study explored the perceptions and practices of general practitioners (GPs) regarding the identification and management of victimized patients in primary care settings. A qualitative study was conducted employing three focus groups and a total of 18 GPs drawn from Greek General Practice Networks. Participants discussed issues of identification, assessment, recording, and referral of victimized patients at their clinical setting. Important points raised were the role ambiguity in the management of the victimized patients, the lack of confidence in diagnosing the problem, the discomfort in discussing Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) with their patients, the mistrust in the referral services, and the confidentiality issues affecting their recording practices. This preliminary information is expected to guide large-scale surveys and future interventions. 相似文献
956.
Maria Martín de Almagro Iniesta 《Law & social inquiry》2014,39(2):361-386
The European Court of Justice, and courts in general, were key actors in the creation of the European Union (EU). However, they cannot change major policy without political supporters to lobby and litigate for implementation. We argue that part of the resolution of this apparent paradox comes from complementing existing work on the activities of EU courts and litigants with a focus on a third actor: implementing bureaucracies, whose effect on law and politics has not been a focus of studies of EU legal development. Their calculations about whether to pay attention, lobby, and comply shape the impact of the law. Those calculations are variable and patterned; when and how bureaucracies listen to courts varies in predictable ways. We find evidence for this proposition in the case of EU health care services law, both in the secondary literature and in empirical studies of France and Spain. 相似文献
957.
Daniel Boduszek Rachel Belsher Katie Dhingra Maria Ioannou 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(1):61-76
The present study aimed to (a) examine the role of Oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and Conduct disorder (CD) in predicting recidivism, while controlling for childhood arrest, perceived neighbourhood crime frequency, alcohol consumption, age and gender, and (b) explore the relevance of these factors in predicting risk of recidivism for males and females separately. Participants were 669 ex-prisoners identified in the National Survey of American Life. Results revealed that gender, CD and average daily alcohol consumption predicted recidivism. When separate models were estimated for males and females, only average daily alcohol consumption was predictive of female recidivism. By comparison, recidivism was significantly predicted in males by CD in youth and childhood arrest. ODD was also negatively associated with recidivism in males. Consequently, targeting variables identified as significant predictors of recidivism for both males and females, or males, is unlikely to be an optimal way of reducing repeat offending. 相似文献
958.
Helge Lurås 《Intelligence & National Security》2014,29(4):600-618
In most transition countries the main aim of ‘democratizing intelligence’ is to weaken the authoritarian governmental structures by introducing more transparency, legality and oversight. In Bosnia and Herzegovina however, the state-building efforts driven by international parties combined formal democratization processes such as independent oversight with the strengthening and operational capacity building of previously weak-to-non-existent intelligence structures. In parallel with the descent into war when Yugoslavia collapsed in the early 1990s, the State Security Service (SDB) in the Republic of Bosnia had split into three ethnically-based outfits answering to the political and military leaders of war. ‘Democratization’ of intelligence in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the establishment of a unified, state-level Intelligence and Security Agency (OSA) in 2004 has followed its own unique path reflecting the fragmented nature of politics in Bosnia and the leading role of international organizations in proposing and effectuating institutional reforms. Nevertheless, in terms of habits, operational methods and values many Bosnian intelligence officers went through similar adaptations and transitions as their colleagues in countries where institutions at the time of democratic transition were too strong and authoritarian rather than, as in the case of Bosnia, being deemed too weak and ineffectual. 相似文献
959.
Shalom H. Schwartz Gian Vittorio Caprara Michele Vecchione Paul Bain Gabriel Bianchi Maria Giovanna Caprara Jan Cieciuch Hasan Kirmanoglu Cem Baslevent Jan-Erik Lönnqvist Catalin Mamali Jorge Manzi Vassilis Pavlopoulos Tetyana Posnova Harald Schoen Jo Silvester Carmen Tabernero Claudio Torres Markku Verkasalo Eva Vondráková Christian Welzel Zbigniew Zaleski 《Political Behavior》2014,36(4):899-930
Do the political values of the general public form a coherent system? What might be the source of coherence? We view political values as expressions, in the political domain, of more basic personal values. Basic personal values (e.g., security, achievement, benevolence, hedonism) are organized on a circular continuum that reflects their conflicting and compatible motivations. We theorize that this circular motivational structure also gives coherence to political values. We assess this theorizing with data from 15 countries, using eight core political values (e.g., free enterprise, law and order) and ten basic personal values. We specify the underlying basic values expected to promote or oppose each political value. We offer different hypotheses for the 12 non-communist and three post-communist countries studied, where the political context suggests different meanings of a basic or political value. Correlation and regression analyses support almost all hypotheses. Moreover, basic values account for substantially more variance in political values than age, gender, education, and income. Multidimensional scaling analyses demonstrate graphically how the circular motivational continuum of basic personal values structures relations among core political values. This study strengthens the assumption that individual differences in basic personal values play a critical role in political thought. 相似文献
960.
Anna Herranz-Surrallés 《West European politics》2014,37(5):957-975
The Treaty of Lisbon has been dubbed ‘the Treaty of Parliaments’, as it upgraded the position of both the European Parliament and of national parliaments within the institutional system of the EU. However, the implementation of the new Treaty also brought to the surface the uneasy relationship between the European and national parliamentary spheres in a number of domains. Drawing on the notion of ‘parliamentary field’, this article accounts for this growing divide by highlighting the competitive dynamics that may emerge from a mismatch between formal constitutional authority and the actual parliamentary capital that parliaments enjoy. The article examines this proposition within the domain of foreign and security policy, where the process of establishing a new inter-parliamentary mechanism for scrutinising policy has placed the European Parliament and the national parliaments visibly at odds. 相似文献