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261.
Maria Giulia Amadio Viceré Sergio Fabbrini 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(3):64-82
The 2009 Lisbon Treaty institutionalised an intergovernmental constitution for managing policies traditionally a matter of national sovereignty, such as foreign and defence policies. However, important innovations were introduced in the foreign policymaking structure to limit its intergovernmental logic, in particular, with regard to the role of the High Representative (HR). It was generally assumed that those innovations would have made development of a coherent EU foreign policy possible. Yet, in one of the most significant tests for the EU’s foreign and defence policies in the post-Lisbon era, namely the Egyptian crisis (2011-14), those reforms did not work as expected. Notwithstanding the innovations, the HR’s role was diminished by the European Council’s strict control over foreign policy toward Egypt. The lack of clear policy guidelines towards the issue of democratisation in the Arab world in the 2003 European Security Strategy, although partially mitigated by the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Barcelona Process/Union for the Mediterranean, made it even more difficult for the HR to bring a European perspective into the largely intergovernmental setting. 相似文献
262.
Marketa Maria Jerabek Alisson Maxwell Ferreira de Andrade Ana Magdalena Figueroa 《Global Society》2017,31(3):417-440
The hegemonic power of FIFA over countries hosting its capstone World Cup tournament is worth examining in the context of hegemony theory in International Relations literature. To understand FIFA’s hegemonic role on the global stage, it is best to place it within the context of two major shifts in the international system—power transition and diffusion. This study provides an insight into the dispute between transnational and national law in sports, which FIFA has used to strengthen its hegemony. This has empirical support as seen in four World Cup cases: previous Cups in Brazil (2014) and South Africa (2010) and the forthcoming tournaments in Russia (2018) and Qatar (2022). These cases reveal FIFA’s hegemonic power both through the overruling of national law in favour of transnational law, and by the questionable bidding processes to host the games in Qatar and the Russian Federation. In addition, this study examines whether Switzerland is capable of regulating or restricting FIFA’s hegemonic power. While removing FIFA’s legal status as a non-profit organisation seems not to be an option, the executed amendment of the Swiss anti-corruption law is a step forward. Furthermore, FIFA needs to continue its recently initiated internal reforms. 相似文献
263.
Ignacio Fernandez-Urien Erika Borobio Inmaculada Elizalde Rebeca Irisarri Juan Jose Vila Jesus Maria Urman Javier Jimenez 《党史博采》2010,(1)
AIM:To evaluate the Z-line visualization by the PillCamTM SB2 using three different ingestion protocols. METHODS:Ninety consecutive patients undergoing small bowel capsule endoscopy(SBCE)between January and May 2008 were included in the study. They swallowed the capsule in the standing(Group A= 30),supine(Group B=30)and right supine positions (Group C=30).Baseline patient characteristics, difficulties in capsule ingestion,esophageal transit times(ETT)and Z-line visualization were noted. RESULTS:No significa... 相似文献
264.
Issues of centralization–decentralization and centre–periphery resource distribution are frequent administrative and political concerns which can have, upon occasion, very profound consequences for the stability of a society. An analysis of recent events in Sierra Leone demonstrates their significance. On 25 May, 1997 the country's first democratically elected government in almost 30 years was overthrown after little more than a year in office by a group of rebellious military officers. Most commentators have attributed this turn of events simply to military disgruntlement. In fact, a careful analysis demonstrates that the central government's commitment to decentralization and the strengthening of local governance exacerbated the centre–periphery conflict issues that have plagued the country since its independence and thus were the real underlying causal factors. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
265.
267.
Alfredo Gusmão Verónica Gomes António Amorim Maria João Prata 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2008,1(1):212-213
We analyzed 17 Y-chromosomal STR loci in a population sample of 126 unrelated Portuguese Gypsies. Fifty three different haplotypes were found, three represented with considerable high frequencies (≥8.7%). The percentage of unique haplotypes (71.2%) was rather low as well as haplotype diversity (94.37%). In the comparison with available Portuguese population data and with those from other Gypsy and general population samples from Bulgaria, Lithuania and Spain, our sample showed significant differences in comparison with the general population data from Portugal, Spain and Bulgaria. Significant differences were observed with Bulgarian Gypsies, but not with the Spanish or Lithuanian groups. The Gypsy populations from Portugal, Spain and Bulgaria were found to be more closely related to each other than with the general population from their own countries. 相似文献
268.
Daniel R. Meyer Maria Cancian Kisun Nam 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2007,26(3):575-598
There is little research on knowledge of the policy rules that could affect individuals, either in general or in evaluations of new programs. The lack of research is surprising, given that knowledge gaps could limit the effectiveness of reforms or lead to incorrect inferences regarding the effects of a policy change. In this article, we use survey data to examine the level and sources of welfare participants' policy knowledge in the context of a substantial change in child support and welfare policy in Wisconsin. We find very low levels of knowledge of child support policy rules. Multivariate analyses suggest that people tend to learn policy rules by experience; we find less consistent support for knowledge being primarily imparted through interactions with caseworkers. A difference‐in‐difference analysis suggests that if participants had been more knowledgeable, program impacts would have been larger. Implications of this research for policy implementation and policy evaluations are discussed. © 2007 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management 相似文献
269.
We propose that the global spread of ideas affects international economic openness policies, and that to omit ideology as an explanatory variable for economic globalization is to risk omitted variable bias. Using voting data, we create measures of global ideology regarding economic openness and propose that changes in both global and domestic ideology influence how open or closed to international finance an economy is. We also test other influences on liberalization, including proposed state-centered diffusion mechanisms. Using PCSTS and system-GMM models, we estimate the determinants of change in international capital account regulation for 82 countries, 1955 to 1999. We thereby examine diffusion of both liberalizations (1950s and 1990s) and closures (1960s and 1970s). Changes in both global and domestic ideology robustly influence liberalization and closure. The capital account policies of neighboring countries (positively) and of the leading economies (negatively) also influenced a country's capital account liberalization. 相似文献
270.