全文获取类型
收费全文 | 59篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 6篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 6篇 |
外交国际关系 | 2篇 |
法律 | 33篇 |
政治理论 | 15篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 3篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 8篇 |
2012年 | 1篇 |
2011年 | 1篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 1篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有64条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
Mariana Valverde 《Law & society review》2011,45(2):277-312
Studies of urban governance, as well as the overlapping literature on law and space, have been heavily influenced by critical analyses of how spatial techniques helped constitute modern disciplinary powers and knowledges. The rise of land‐use control and land‐use planning seem at first sight to be perfect examples of the disciplining of populations through space by the kind of governmental gaze dubbed by Scott (1998) as “seeing like a state.” But a detailed genealogical study that puts the emergence of the notion of “land use” in the broader context of urban governance technologies reveals that modernist techniques of land use planning, such as North American zoning, are more flexible, contradictory, and fragile than critical urbanists assume. Legal tools of premodern origin that target nonquantifiable offensiveness and thus construct an embodied and relational form of urban subjectivity keep reappearing in the present day. When cities attempt to govern conflicts about the use of space through objective rules, these rules often undermine themselves in a dialectical process that results in the return to older notions of offensiveness. This article argues that the dialectical process by which modernist “seeing like a state” techniques give way to older ways of seeing (e.g., the logic of nuisance) plays a central role in the epistemologically hybrid approach to governing space that is here called “seeing like a city.” 相似文献
42.
Mariana Llanos Cordula Tibi Weber Charlotte Heyl Alexander Stroh 《Democratization》2016,23(7):1236-1253
This article focuses on the efforts of power holders – at the executive or the legislative level – to influence or curb court activity informally or extra-legally, an acknowledged but under-researched topic in studies of judicial politics. We first define informal judicial interference and operationalize the concept; we then explain how we collected information on the topic through systematic cross-country interviewing. Our concept focuses on judicial intervention actions exercised by political actors once judges are on the bench. We distinguish these actions according to type – direct or subtle – and further differentiate each type according to six different modes. We provide new empirical data on informal interference in six third-wave democracies, three in Africa (Benin, Madagascar, and Senegal) and three in Latin America (Argentina, Chile, and Paraguay). Our empirical findings, first, confirm the importance of informal practices in shaping political-judicial relations. Second, they point to long-standing legacies and to the level of socio-economic development as possible explanations for different performances in terms of the prevalence and severity of informal interference in the judiciary in these newly established democratic regimes 相似文献
43.
The literature on platforms emphasizes the balance between supply and demand as precursors to network expansion, strategy development and strategy sustainability. This study questions this logic through the exploratory approach of a public platform based on social returns. Results demonstrate that when an institutional force supports a platform concerned with diffuse and collective interests, it is possible that the strategy could sustain and develop without the balance of its forces. The study contributes to the strategic platform literature by pointing out the distinct aspects of social platforms and underlining the support generated by institutions. 相似文献
44.
Transitional justice is about the recovery of the rule of lawand justice after mass violence. In the recent history of Argentinaand South Africa, human rights politics have played an importantrole in the transition from repression to democracy as a discourseof resistance to state repression and as a framework and methodologyfor the successor state to manage demands for justice and promotereconciliation. Post-transition, they have provided a standardfor the accountability of state institutions and evaluationof the democratic government's performance. In this article,we explore the roles of victims, survivors and relatives inthe expansion of human rights politics. We argue that victimsrepresent their suffering as embodied injustice and make theirvictim identity the focus of efforts to recover a moral contractbetween state and citizens. The expansion of human rights politicsto include social and economic rights is an expression of thelimits of transitional justice in recovering full citizenshipin the context of the neo-liberal democratic project in Argentinaand South Africa. 相似文献
45.
Vesna Bojicic-Dzelilovic Denisa Kostovicova Mariana Escobar Jelena Bjelica 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(10):1887-1905
Scholarly attempts to explain aid subversion in post-conflict contexts frame the challenge in terms of corrupt practices and transactions disconnected from local power struggles. Also, they assume a distinction between organised crime and the state. This comparative analysis of aid subversion in Colombia and Afghanistan reveals the limits of such an approach. Focusing on relations that anchor organised crime within local political, social and economic processes, we demonstrate that organised crime is dynamic, driven by multiple motives and endogenous to local power politics. Better understanding of governance arrangements around the organised crime–conflict nexus which enables aid subversion is therefore required. 相似文献
46.
Rivera-Torres Mariana Gerlak Andrea K. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2021,21(4):553-574
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - Transboundary collaboration between the United States (US) and Mexico in the Colorado River Basin has heightened in recent... 相似文献
47.
Mariana dos Santos Parra 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2019,13(4):480-502
ABSTRACTThe article aims to reassess the statebuilding endeavour of international interveners in the case of Haiti, from an interpretative and socio-historical perspective. First, the article analyses the existing critical literature on statebuilding and the growing literature on peacebuilding and legitimacy. Second, it introduces the case of Haiti, analysing the process of state formation and the production of the present conditions in the country. It then presents an assessment of Minustah, arguing that the lack of a local source of legitimacy, connected to a ‘security-first’ statebuilding approach, led the intervention to reinforce the predatory and undemocratic logics of Haitian politics. 相似文献
48.
Manuel Augusto Diez Alarcón Thomas Legler Flor De María Rodríguez Mariana Ruiz 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(Z1):121-125
Diverse sources have constructed a common narrative of individual and isolated responses by countries and their leaders to the global coronavirus pandemic, akin to sálvese quien pueda (every man for himself). This article suggests that this is a simplification of the governance of the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru. Peru's governance story is one of domestic public and private action closely interwoven with crucial elements of transnational administration out of sheer necessity. The struggle against the pandemic has generated a domestic and transnational administrative symbiosis, involving authorities at multiple levels in efforts to fill a series of interconnected domestic, regional, and global governance gaps. 相似文献
49.
50.