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Rivera-Torres Mariana Gerlak Andrea K. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2021,21(4):553-574
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - Transboundary collaboration between the United States (US) and Mexico in the Colorado River Basin has heightened in recent... 相似文献
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Mariana Llanos Ana Margheritis 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2006,40(4):77-103
This article explores why Argentine president Fernando de la Rúa (1999–2001) failed to govern and the factors that prevented
him from compelting his constitutional mandate. This study draw on current literature about leadership. We argue that President
De la Rúa’s ineffective performance was characteristic of an inflexible tendency towards unilateralism, isolationism, and
an inability to compromise and persuade. Moreover, we examine how de la Rúas performance, in the context of severe political
and economic constraints, discouraged cooperative practices among political actors, led to decision-making paralysis, and
ultimately to a crisis of governance
This work seeks to make four contributions. First, it conceptualizes political leadership by providing an analytical framework
that integrates individual action, institutional resources and constraints, and policy context, thus filling a gap in the
literature. Second, it explains the importance of effective leadership in building up and maintaining multiparty coalitions
in presidential systems. Third, it complements existing institutional approaches to improve our understanding of a new type
of instability in Latin America: the failure of more than a dozen of presidents to complete their constitutional mandates.
Fourth, it analyzes the way political and economic variables interact in times of crisis.
Mariana Llanos is a researcher at the Institut für Iberoamerika-Kunde (IIK) in Hamburg, Germany, and teaches Latin American
politics at the University of Hamburg. Her research focuses on Latin American political institutions particularly to the president-congress
relations and the legislatures of the Southern Cone. She is the author ofPrivatization and Democracy in Argentina (Palgrave, 2002), co-author ofBicameralismo, Senados y senadores en el Cono Sur latinoamericano (ICPS, Barcelona, 2005, together with Francisco Sánchez and Detlef Nolte) and co-editor ofControle Parlamentar na Alemanha, na Argentina e no Brasil (KAS, Rio de Janeiro, 2005, with Ana María Mustapic), among other works.
Ana Margheritis is assistant professor of international relations and Latin American politics at University of Florida. Her
research interests are in international political economy, foreign policy, regional cooperation, and inter-American relations.
She is the editor ofLatin American Democracies in the New Global Economy (2003); author ofAjuste y Reforma en Argentina, 1989–1995 (1999); and co-author ofHistoria de las relaciones exteriores de la República Argentina (with Carlos Escudé et al., 1998) andMalvinas: Los motivos económicos de un conflicto (with Laura Tedesco, 1991), as well as of several articles in academic journals and book chapters.
The authors are grateful to Vicente Palermo and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. 相似文献
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Mariana Mota Prado 《Regulation & Governance》2012,6(3):300-326
This paper explores hypotheses that could explain both the creation of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) in Brazil, and the differences in the design of the Brazilian IRAs in the telecommunications and electricity sectors. To formulate specific hypotheses that make sense of the Brazilian case, the paper critically interrogates the “weak state” hypothesis and the “political bias” hypothesis. The first argues that countries with flawed governance structures, such as Latin American countries, are less likely to establish independent regulators than European countries. The second argues that “political bias” is a determinant factor in predicting the implementation of IRAs in Latin America. The first part of the paper uses these two general hypotheses as a basis to formulate specific hypotheses to explain the creation of IRAs in Brazil. The second part of the paper formulates specific hypotheses that could explain why institutional guarantees of IRA independence are stronger in the telecommunications sector, than in the electricity sector. In particular, the paper argues in support of a revised version of the “political bias” hypothesis to explain sectoral divergence, suggesting that bureaucratic resistance to reform may be the cause for the variations observed in Brazil between regulatory reform in electricity and in telecommunications. 相似文献
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Mariana Valverde 《Law & social inquiry》1999,24(3):655-676
In thinking about justice in a pluralistic world, there are a number of potential theoretical resources. Derrida's thoughts on justice provide some tools with which to support social movements while avoiding the political and theoretical problems of identity politics, I argue; but the antihistorical frame'work of the philosophical ethics used and refined by Derrida is unhelpful to anyone working in social movements. By contrast, Foucault's later work on the ethics of freedom offers tools useful for thinking about embodiment, desire, and the historical specificity of ethical life. And yet, by remaining focused almost solely on liberté–backgrounding égalité, fraternité, and solidarité–Foucault's ethical reflections also remain open to supplementation. Thus, both thinkers'reflections on justice, freedom, and history have elements that are potentially very useful to those social movements that are unhappy with essentialist identities; but along the way we will have to invent our own additional, site-specific tools, in particular insofar as we are interested in building networks of solidarity . 相似文献
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Díaz S Kienast ME Villegas-Castagnasso EE Pena NL Manganare MM Posik D Peral-García P Giovambattista G 《Journal of forensic sciences》2008,53(5):1145-1148
In order to detect switching and/or manipulation of samples, the owner of a stallion asked our lab to perform a DNA test on a positive doping urine sample. The objective was to compare the urine DNA profile versus blood and hair DNA profiles from the same stallion. At first, 10 microsatellite markers were investigated to determine the horse identity. No results were obtained when horse specific markers were typed in the urine sample. In order to confirm the species origin of this sample we analyzed the mitochondrial cytochrome b gene. This analysis from blood and hair samples produced reproducible and clear PCR-RFLP patterns and DNA sequence match with those expected for horse, while the urine sample results were coincident with human. These results allowed us to exclude the urine sample from the questioned stallion and determine its human species origin, confirming the manipulation of urine sample. 相似文献
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Sergio Cardoso Ph.D. María T. Zarrabeitia Ph.D. Laura Valverde B.Sc. Adrian Odriozola B.Sc. Miguel Á. Alfonso‐Sánchez Ph.D. Marian M. De Pancorbo Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2010,55(5):1196-1201
Abstract: In this study, we analyzed the entire mtDNA control region in 61 unrelated individuals from the Pas Valley (Cantabria), a human isolate from northern Spain, to evaluate the suitability of this analysis to increase the power of discrimination of this locus for forensic purposes in human isolates. Low values obtained for the diversity parameters confirmed the relative isolation of this human group. The main findings of this study indicated that even the analysis of the entire mtDNA control region may have important limitations for use in forensic casework when dealing with human isolates: none of the 44 individuals who exhibited identical HVI‐HVII haplotypes could be further differentiated by analysis of segment HVIII. Nevertheless, analysis of the entire mtDNA control region proved to be useful to determine the ancestry of the samples examined, by contributing to the confirmation, and, on occasion, even to the refinement of the haplogroup assignment. 相似文献
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