全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2171篇 |
免费 | 110篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 143篇 |
工人农民 | 106篇 |
世界政治 | 216篇 |
外交国际关系 | 117篇 |
法律 | 1034篇 |
中国政治 | 12篇 |
政治理论 | 634篇 |
综合类 | 19篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 19篇 |
2020年 | 46篇 |
2019年 | 56篇 |
2018年 | 71篇 |
2017年 | 91篇 |
2016年 | 73篇 |
2015年 | 59篇 |
2014年 | 83篇 |
2013年 | 332篇 |
2012年 | 74篇 |
2011年 | 99篇 |
2010年 | 61篇 |
2009年 | 79篇 |
2008年 | 64篇 |
2007年 | 85篇 |
2006年 | 85篇 |
2005年 | 86篇 |
2004年 | 75篇 |
2003年 | 87篇 |
2002年 | 82篇 |
2001年 | 42篇 |
2000年 | 44篇 |
1999年 | 38篇 |
1998年 | 39篇 |
1997年 | 39篇 |
1996年 | 30篇 |
1995年 | 35篇 |
1994年 | 31篇 |
1993年 | 21篇 |
1992年 | 21篇 |
1991年 | 16篇 |
1990年 | 24篇 |
1989年 | 14篇 |
1988年 | 25篇 |
1987年 | 16篇 |
1986年 | 9篇 |
1985年 | 18篇 |
1984年 | 16篇 |
1983年 | 12篇 |
1982年 | 7篇 |
1981年 | 9篇 |
1980年 | 10篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1976年 | 7篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
1967年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有2281条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
251.
The success of involuntary resettlement is contingent on recasting the involuntary as voluntary. To explore this proposition, this article presents two projects in China – one “voluntary” (Poverty Alleviation Resettlement or PAR) and relatively “successful” and one “involuntary” (Three Gorges Project Resettlement or TGPR) and less so. The research finds the voluntary–involuntary dichotomy a false one. It is not volition that leads to better outcomes, but people-centred practices that are embedded in policy, planning, and implementation of PAR. Perhaps the most important lesson drawn is that all resettlements should be based on a commitment to settlement and not just resettlement. 相似文献
252.
253.
Do legal elites—lawyers admitted to federal appellate bars—perceive the Supreme Court as a “political” institution? Legal elites differentiate themselves from the mass public in the amount and sources of information about the Court. They also hold near‐universal perceptions of Court legitimacy, a result we use to derive competing theoretical expectations regarding the impact of ideological disagreement on various Court perceptions. Survey data show that many legal elites perceive the Court as political in its decision making, while a minority perceive the Court as activist and influenced by external political forces. Ideological disagreement with the Court's outputs significantly elevates political perceptions of decision making, while it exhibits a null and moderate impact on perceptions of activism and external political influence, respectively. To justify negative affect derived from ideological disagreement, elites highlight the political aspects of the Court's decision making rather than engage in “global delegitimization” of the institution itself. 相似文献
254.
TrueAllele® Genotype Identification on DNA Mixtures Containing up to Five Unknown Contributors 下载免费PDF全文
Mark W. Perlin Ph.D. M.D. Jennifer M. Hornyak M.S. Garett Sugimoto M.S. Kevin W.P. Miller Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(4):857-868
Computer methods have been developed for mathematically interpreting mixed and low‐template DNA. The genotype modeling approach computationally separates out the contributors to a mixture, with uncertainty represented through probability. Comparison of inferred genotypes calculates a likelihood ratio (LR), which measures identification information. This study statistically examined the genotype modeling performance of Cybergenetics TrueAllele® computer system. High‐ and low‐template DNA mixtures of known randomized composition containing 2, 3, 4, and 5 contributors were tested. Sensitivity, specificity, and reproducibility were established through LR quantification in each of these eight groups. Covariance analysis found LR behavior to be relatively invariant to DNA amount or contributor number. Analysis of variance found that consistent solutions were produced, once a sufficient number of contributors were considered. This study demonstrates the reliability of TrueAllele interpretation on complex DNA mixtures of representative casework composition. The results can help predict an information outcome for a DNA mixture analysis. 相似文献
255.
It took a long time to get there but, near the close of thelast millennium, humanity embraced measured accountability –instead of the extremes of impunity or vengeance – asthe appropriate fate for perpetrators of mass atrocity. Thisembrace has prompted the construction of institutions, suchas the International Criminal Court and the various ad hoc internationalor internationalized tribunals, to actualize this accountabilityimperative. But this institution-building is only the start of the justicematrix. It is not the end point. A newer second generation ofscholars and activists presses on. Agreeing on the need foraccountability does not mean that existing methods of accountabilityshould become insulated from study or critical inquiry withregard to their progress toward justice goals. Transitional Justice in the Twenty-First Century and Reconciliationin Divided Societies are bold trendsetters for this second-generationliterature. Edited by Naomi Roht-Arriaza and 相似文献
256.
Mark Wenman 《Political studies》2007,55(4):801-820
Paul Hirst began his career as a Marxist, and in his later work he made important contributions to numerous debates, the most notorious of which was his pronounced scepticism towards the idea of globalisation. However, Hirst's principal legacy to political theory was the development of his normative theory of 'associative democracy'. This article presents a critique of Hirst's theory emphasising his indebtedness to the tradition of English political pluralism. On a preliminary analysis, Hirst's project appears to have been predicated on a normative defence of voluntarism, individualism and pluralism. However, I make the case that on closer examination this is undermined and contradicted in his work – and in the work of the earlier English pluralists – by an implicit assumption of social unity. This assumption is manifest in the functionalism and corporatism that Hirst presented as necessary components of pluralism, which in turn reflect his unwarranted presumption that industrial productivity, efficient economic governance and welfare provision represent impartial and incontestable axioms of social organisation. 相似文献
257.
The AIDS Risk Reduction Model (ARRM) is a conceptual model designed to explain the influence of knowledge and attitudes about AIDS/HIV on risk-related behaviors. This article measures the influence of the primary concepts associated with the ARRM (labeling, commitment, and enactment) on high-risk adolescent's knowledge, attitudes, and self-reported behaviors. Data were collected from 393 adolescents incarcerated in juvenile detention facilities. Ordered probit and ordinary least squares (OLS) analyses were conducted to determine which of several independent variables have the most impact on acceptance of the ARRM. Results indicated that the ARRM is effective for understanding the factors that influence AIDS risk avoidance. Findings also indicate that previous life experiences should be formally integrated into the model. Moreover, specific forms of enactment are associated with different factors. Suggestions as to how the ARRM may prove useful for promoting behavioral change among high-risk adolescents are provided. 相似文献
258.
The study of administrations and ministers and their relationships with UK Parliaments has tended to focus on the issues of accountability and responsibility, levels of legislative dissent or broad performance indicators supported by anecdotal examples. This paper addresses the lack of systematic analysis of executive/legislative relations in the policy‐making process by examining the dominance of different administrations and ministers in the Scottish Parliament. Two questions are addressed. First, is there any variance in the legislative dominance of different administrations in the parliamentary arena? Second, do individual ministers make a difference to the degree of policy dominance? Controlling for both initial authorship and quality of amendments to Executive policy, we analyse the nature and extent of Executive dominance during the legislative process of the First Session of the Scottish Parliament. We find some evidence to suggest that Executive dominance varies both by administration and by individual minister. 相似文献
259.
Herrman Margaret S. Hollett Nancy Eaker Dawn Goettler Gale Jerry Foster Mark 《Negotiation Journal》2002,18(1):29-49
Over time, many fields of work - law, medicine, and teaching - matured from informal bodies of knowledge and skills, passed from one practitioner to another, into professions. In the process each began enumerating and affirming their intellectual and practical roots. Each also began testing practitioners to insure comprehension of relevant knowledge and an ability to demonstrate relevant skills. Family mediators in Canada have moved in this direction. In the United States, people who mediate interpersonal disputes also feel pressured to take additional steps to assure the quality of our work. This article summarizes what mediation organizations in the United States have done and could do to vouch for work in our field. But, taking additional steps calls for a clearer understanding of what a mediator should know and what they are expected to do. These two critical pieces of information remain nebulous. So, this article goes beyond describing ways of insuring accountability by also describing a recently completed job analysis, a tool frequently used in other fields of work to describe the skills and knowledge relevant to a particular job. 相似文献
260.
In this research note, we apply the construct of jurisprudential regimes as described in our recent article in American Political Science Review to the area of Establishment Clause jurisprudence. We hypothesize that Lemon v. Kurtzman represented a jurisprudential regime in the Supreme Court's decisionmaking in this area of law. Our analysis shows that the predictors of the Court's decisions in the two periods differed in ways that are very consistent with the types of changes one would expect the hypothesized regime shift to produce. 相似文献