The "We" Problem in Teaching International Studies

This article addresses the problems that emerge when students in international studies courses approach the subject matter from the perspective of the first person plural. Whether in terms of "we,""us," or "our," many college students choose to adopt a personal perspective in discussions of international affairs. While it is natural for students to base their analysis of international studies on their personal observations and experiences, this inclination to adopt a collective first person approach detracts from the scholarly neutrality toward which students of global studies should aspire. Furthermore, a first person plural approach to course subject matter creates the false impression among students that they are all in agreement over contentious issues of global interactions and the theories employed to study them. The article concludes with suggestions for remedying the "we" problem, and offers advice for instructors who have encountered it in their own classroom.     

Colombian army counterinsurgency

In the virtual absence ofsocietal involvement and governmentleadership, the Army of Colombia (COLAR)responded to the insurgency of theRevolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia(FARC) during the Pasrana presidency with a combination of organizationaland operational innovation that hasreversed the previous unfavorablesituation. COLAR has assessed FARC's weakpoint as its relatively underdevelopedpolitical structure. This allowedconcentration upon the key insurgentgenerators of power, the base complexes andmobility corridors. This strategy wassuccessful in forcing FARC mobilewarfare back to the guerrilla stage but wasunable to advance further due tosignificant shortcomings in operationalfunding and equipment – notably air assetsin a country the size of California,Nevada, Utah, and Idaho. Ironically, FARCremained extraordinarily vulnerable even asBogot´ refused to engage in asystematic counterinsurgency campaign,instead leaving the task of besting theguerrillas to the security forces.     

Misreading One's Sources: Charles Taylor's Rousseau

This article challenges Taylor's defense of community by criticizing his reading of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Taylor, who adheres to the old charge that Rousseau is at bottom a totalitarian, neglects several points of resistance to the claims of the community that are present in Rousseau's political thought. Such points of resistance prove, on close examination, to be unavailable to Taylor. Taylor inadvertently offers a theoretical attack on individualism and a foundation for social tyranny more powerful than any to be found in Rousseau's thought.     

Step return versus net reward in the voluntary provision of a threshold public good: An adversarial collaboration

This research concerns how costs and benefits affect the voluntary provision of threshold public goods. Cadsby and Maynes (J. Public Econ. 71:53–73, 1999) hypothesized that the difference between the value and cost of such a good, its net reward, influences the likelihood of provision. Croson and Marks (Exp. Econ. 2:239–259, 2000) focused on the ratio of group payoff to total cost, the step return. We find that step return is the best predictor overall, although net reward has some impact, negatively affecting the probability of provision with inexperienced participants and positively affecting it with experienced participants.     

China's Climate Change Policy Process: improved but still weak and fragmented

China has recently become the world's largest emitter of carbon and is already facing many harmful effects domestically from climate change. Chinese leaders have therefore made a high-level commitment to curb emissions, as evident in the 2007 National Climate Change Program. However, the government has missed many of its targets, in particular its goal of reducing energy intensity. This essay argues that China is missing its targets because of a number of factors which stem from the fragmented nature of China's authoritarian system. First, environmental policies are too broad and complicated, making it difficult for regulators to enforce the laws. Second, the current incentive structures of promotion and salary cause local officials to give higher priority to economic development than to environmental issues. Third, environmental regulators, such as the judiciary and environmental agencies, remain weak and impeded by enforcement obstacles. While positive changes have occurred, such as the emergence of NGOs and the media as environmental watchdogs and a burgeoning clean technology sector, much remains to be done to improve the long-term viability of climate change policies in China. Based on the preceding analysis, this essay recommends ways by which the government could improve the process of enacting and implementing climate change policies. It also urges the international community to sympathize with the Chinese government and, by leading the way, help the government gain greater compliance with climate change policies.