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231.
Three cases are presented where fatal puncture wounds caused by broken glass were very similar to stab wounds inflicted by a knife with a single-edged blade. Thus, all three cases caused a murder investigation to be initiated. It could only be determined that these wounds had been caused by glass after a detailed forensic autopsy. In two of the three cases, the only evidence for this was the identification of glass fragments in the wounds. The importance of X-ray examinations is underlined because modern glass in common use is radiopaque. Glass fragments lodged in the wounds can reduce the loss of blood and thus, prolong the capacity to act despite severe injuries. 相似文献
232.
This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters’ opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations. 相似文献
233.
Justice issues have been prominent in the environmental debate since its beginning in the second half of the twentieth century. This is not surprising, because environmental crises highlight our conceptions of justice, challenging us to consider their adequacy as well as their implications. Does current justice theory accurately describe the issues raised by environmental threats, especially about the justice for future generations? What are the implications of perceptions of justice or injustice for responses to environmental problems, up to and including social protest? For the most part, environmental social sciences have not been at the forefront of these debates, despite some very important contributions. The goal of the present issue is, therefore, to bring together researchers in the field of environmental psychology and justice research and to provide a forum for current research in the field of environmental justice. This introduction gives a short overview of past, present, and emerging findings and questions. 相似文献
234.
Abstract The goal of the study was to determine what effects age, verbal ability (assessed with WISC-R Vocabulary), and interviewer's emotional style would have on the occurrence of Criteria-Based Content Analysis (CBCA) criteria. Children (N = 68) from three different age-groups (7–8, 10–11, and 13–14 years) made both a true and a false statement concerning a mildly traumatic event. The correct classification rate was 66%. Age and verbal ability were found to increase the occurrence of some of the CBCA criteria irrespective of the truthfulness of the statements. Also, different criteria differentiated between true and false statements in different age groups. Interviewer behaviour also affected the occurrence of the criteria. It is concluded that the CBCA should not be used in court proceedings in its present form. 相似文献
235.
Markus Hund 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):383-417
This paper assesses the potential of ASEAN Plus Three (APT) to catalyze a process of economic and political integration in East Asia. The analysis first illustrates APT participants’ projected views of APT’s opportunities and limitations and then assesses the motives and objectives driving APT cooperation. Following a review of the major achievements of APT, the study gives an outlook on APT’s relevance and prospects. The findings of the article are that most APT states do not advocate ideas of distinctive pan-East Asian regionalism, but rather take an Asia-Pacific perspective. Only Malaysia and China appear to be promoting more exclusive forms of East Asian regionalism. Within APT, China is aggressively pushing a strong China–ASEAN axis, whereas Japan is seeking to balance China’s efforts and step up its political and economic cooperative profile in the region. A look at the achievements of APT does not suggest a rapid spread of pan-East Asian regionalism. On the contrary, the proposed ASEAN–China FTA proposal has triggered fierce competition between Japan and China and thus divided APT even further. Moreover, it is not at all certain whether the ASEAN–China FTA plan is going to work out in the end, due to objections from various ASEAN members, including a somewhat capricious Malaysia. Whereas pan-East Asian integration efforts are unlikely, the APT process is attractive enough to keep Japan and China, who are competing for influence in Southeast Asia, committed to the APT process. Regardless of APT’s internal fragmentation, its dynamic has already begun to change the political and economic landscape of East Asia. Thus, ASEAN has been able to enhance its leverage vis-à-vis Japan and China, profiting from their strategic opposition. Japan’s reluctance to discuss trade liberalization with ASEAN members already appears to be crumbling, as it is struggling to preclude Chinese domination. 相似文献
236.
Markus Müller 《Public Choice》2007,132(3-4):273-289
We analyze the motivation of politicians in democracies when long-term policies are socially desirable. Politicians receive utility from holding office and from the success of their projects. We refer to the two extreme types of politicians as “populists” and “policy success-seekers”. One result is that inefficiencies in the political process are smaller when a politician is of the populist type. When politicians offer incentive contracts, the problem of inefficient decision-making may be solved. The amount of money necessary to induce the incumbent to undertake the socially optimal project decreases with the degree of populism he displays. 相似文献
237.
Markus W. Gehring 《Review of European Community & International Environmental Law》2006,15(2):172-184
Competition law has become increasingly important in regulating the economy. This article aims to explore how domestic competition law relates to sustainable development. It distinguishes three ways that competition law can take into account environmental and social priorities: through substantive competition rules fostering social or ecological purposes; through exceptions, exemptions and exclusions; and through the enhanced application of competition laws. The first form is very interesting and currently not very widely used. Only a very few countries, such as South Africa, have included substantive provisions to promote social development in their competition laws. Most countries allow for some version of the second form of sustainable competition law. Few countries' laws are as outspoken about their public policy goals as is Spain in its new draft competition law. This new draft law explicitly lists environmental protection and social policies as grounds upon which the government could repeal a competition decision. The third form is relatively unproblematic as it creates a win-win situation for competition and sustainable development. This article surveys some of the most interesting competition law developments across the world and indicates where these domestic regimes take into account environmental or broader social issues when making competition-related decisions such as merger approvals. 相似文献
238.
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240.
The attitudes toward the police (ATP) of a group of young inner city adolescents were investigated within the context of a
program designed to teach dispute resolution skills and promote a dialogue with local police. ATP were measured using a 23
item questionnaire. The results indicated that while ATP were generally positive, girls held more positive ATP than boys and
adolescents who reported negative experiences with the police had less favorable ATP. A confirmatory factor analysis of the
questionnaire yielded three factors; attitudes toward police behavior, attitudes toward interaction with the police, and attitudes
toward interaction with other adults. The results are in general agreement with earlier studies with other populations and
have implications for programs designed to improve adolescent relationships with the police.
Authors' Note: David E. Brandt and Keith A. Markus, Department of Psychology. We would like to thank Professor Maria Volpe, director of
the Dispute Resolution Program at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, and Ms. Marjorie Cohen, Executive Director of the
Westside Crime Prevention Program, for their invaluable assistance in the collection of the data used in this study. 相似文献