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The article discusses the question if and under what conditions trace evidence may be stored for DNA analysis. The authors report on several cases in which methodological improvements or even the introduction of DNA technology itself helped to identify the perpetrator or to rule out a suspect, who may already have been wrongly convicted, many years after the offence. Under medical and scientific aspects these cases seem to speak in favour of unlimited storage. German law does not contain explicit regulations on the storage of trace evidence of unknown origin, although it seems admissible under existing law. In view of a minor need of protection as against a high interest in the preservation of trace evidence, storage for an unlimited period of time seems necessary. 相似文献
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Public Choice - Based on a sample of 16 Western OECD countries we show that although veto players with heterogeneous political preferences reduce the probability of a structural fiscal... 相似文献
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This article summarises the findings from a study of what constituents want from their local Member of Parliament. 1 We make use of a survey technique known as conjoint analysis, wherein we present a national sample of British voters with profiles of hypothetical MPs who vary randomly in their characteristics, activities and behaviour. We find that voters like MPs who are independent from the party line and who do not focus exclusively on national policy work. MPs' gender and experience matter far less to constituents. Overall, voters want a Parliament made up of strong‐minded MPs who see their role as that of a constituency representative. This has important implications for parliamentary democracy in Britain. 相似文献
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Oberregierungsrat Dr. Markus H. Müller 《Natur und Recht》2005,27(3):157-163
Das Artenschutzrecht ist eine ausdifferenzierte, völker-, europa- und nationalrechtlich geprägte Rechtsmaterie. Ausgangspunkte einer Prüfung sind Schutzstatus der Art und die Handlung, die vorgenommen werden soll. Bei Eingriffen in besonders geschützte Arten durch Land-, Forst- oder Fischereiwirtschaft sowie durch zugelassene Eingriffe ist § 43 Abs. 4 BNatSchG eine Schlüsselnorm, die absichtliches Handeln voraussetzt. Absichtlich sind gezielte Beeinträchtigungen von Tieren und Pflanzen, nicht absichtlich sind Beeinträchtigungen, die sich als unausweichliche Konsequenz rechtmäßigen Handelns ergeben. An dieser Auslegung hat sich durch die Caretta-Entscheidung des EuGH nichts geändert. 相似文献
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Constituency Demands and Limited Supplies: Comparing Personal Issue Emphases in Co‐sponsorship of Bills and Legislative Speech
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Markus Baumann 《Scandinavian political studies》2016,39(4):366-387
Parliamentary party groups typically comprise members of parliament (MPs) with diverse preferences and different personal issue emphases. At the same time, speaking in plenary debates is a scarce resource controlled and allocated by parliamentary party group leaders. This has led recent research to investigate how speakers for plenary debates are selected. This contribution connects with this literature by asking whether MPs’ personal issue emphases deviate from their parliamentary party groups’ issue emphases. In order to answer this question, the issue emphases which individual MPs devote to a set of issues in an open access parliamentary instrument is measured and compared to the emphases MPs devote to these issues in speeches. The results for the 2005–9 legislative period of the Norwegian Storting indicate that MPs differ in how closely aligned their issue emphases are in these two instruments and that these differences vary in a way consistent with theories on candidate selection and individualized MP behaviour. 相似文献
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Markus Wagner 《Political Behavior》2014,36(3):683-703
While we know that emotional reactions are important influences on political behavior, we know far less about the sources of these emotions. This paper studies the causes of fear and anger in reaction to a negative stimulus: the financial crisis. Anger should have been experienced among individuals who believed a specific actor was to blame for the crisis. Moreover, individuals should have been particularly angry if they blamed an actor who should be accountable to them, for example the national government. I test these expectations using a panel survey run in Britain between 2005 and 2010. This data shows that British citizens experienced anger if they held an actor responsible for the crisis. Moreover, they felt particularly angry if they held the Labour government (and to a lesser extent the European Union) responsible. These findings underline the importance of studying the causes of emotional reactions and show how these may be linked to common institutional distinctions between political systems. 相似文献