首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1222篇
  免费   77篇
各国政治   99篇
工人农民   77篇
世界政治   177篇
外交国际关系   88篇
法律   653篇
中国政治   4篇
政治理论   200篇
综合类   1篇
  2023年   20篇
  2022年   15篇
  2021年   29篇
  2020年   47篇
  2019年   54篇
  2018年   82篇
  2017年   77篇
  2016年   63篇
  2015年   44篇
  2014年   65篇
  2013年   193篇
  2012年   58篇
  2011年   49篇
  2010年   28篇
  2009年   25篇
  2008年   36篇
  2007年   42篇
  2006年   37篇
  2005年   32篇
  2004年   36篇
  2003年   36篇
  2002年   24篇
  2001年   26篇
  2000年   33篇
  1999年   11篇
  1998年   7篇
  1997年   5篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   5篇
  1994年   10篇
  1993年   8篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   7篇
  1990年   5篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   6篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   3篇
  1982年   4篇
  1980年   4篇
  1979年   6篇
  1978年   5篇
  1977年   2篇
  1975年   2篇
  1973年   8篇
  1972年   2篇
  1971年   8篇
  1965年   4篇
  1963年   2篇
排序方式: 共有1299条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
231.
This article has two principal objectives: (1) to study the behavioral dimensions of Muslim prisoners which predict their Islamist radicalism and (2) to study whether the behavior manifested by them is higher in prisons with a greater concentration of Muslims and a higher presence of prisoners convicted for Islamist terrorism than in prisons with fewer Muslims and no convicted Islamist terrorists. We conclude that some Spanish prisons may provide favorable social environments for jihadist radicalism and that the questionnaire utilized is a useful diagnostic tool for evaluating the magnitude of this phenomenon.  相似文献   
232.
This article argues that there is a difference in what constitutes the sources of recognition prior to countries' membership in the Euro-Atlantic community represented by NATO and after countries become its members. While prior to membership, countries are recognized for their compliance with NATO standards and policies, upon membership countries get the opportunity to promote specific interests legitimately and may seek recognition via non-compliance with NATO mainstream.The paper explores this dynamic of recognition on the issue of Kosovo independence where Slovakia went from supporting NATO in its effort to protect civilians in Kosovo in the late 1990s to non-recognition of Kosovo in defiance of the majority of NATO member states less than a decade later. The crucial point proposed here is that there was a shift in how recognition by NATO worked prior to Slovakia's membership and upon membership in these frameworks. While prior to membership recognition was achieved by compliance and identification with NATO standpoints, policies and actions, upon membership, recognition is achieved by differentiation from these patterns. More generally, the study shows that NATO membership is a powerful source of conditionality in relation to future members and a powerful source of legitimacy in relation to current members' actions. While this has been discussed in the literature, the point here is that recognition in its various forms is an important driving force in these conditionality processes.  相似文献   
233.
This paper examines the features of Spanish local governments that influence the degree of their voluntary reporting of financial information on the Internet. Following an agency theory approach, we propose five hypotheses regarding the relationship between voluntary financial disclosure and the size, leverage, capital investment, political competition and press visibility of a local authority. The empirical application of these hypotheses shows that size, capital investment and political competition are positively associated with the degree of online reporting. We also found a negative and significant relationship between press visibility and voluntary financial disclosure.  相似文献   
234.
The main objective of this article is to examine how the links between trade unions and affiliated political parties of the left influenced the strategies of labour during the transition and the early years of democracy in Spain. It argues that political partisanship is a key factor for understanding the unions' strategies. After a period of intense labour conflict during the transition to democracy, labour mobilization decreased and Spain's unions and other social actors initiated distinctive processes of social bargaining, starting in 1979. The central argument is that the relationship of unions and political parties in the authoritarian and transition periods was a major factor in conditioning strategies in the post-authoritarian period. In the end, the consolidation of Spanish democracy has led to the strengthening of the main trade unions. Contrary to what happened in other historical periods they used this power to contribute to governability and the consolidation of the new democratic regime.  相似文献   
235.
Book reviews     
Privatisation and Liberalisation in the Middle East edited by Iliya Harik and Denis J. Sullivan. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1992. Pp.vi + 242; index. £30 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 253 32697 4 and 0 253 20748 7

Prospects for Democracy: North, South, East, West edited by David Held. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993. Pp.412; index. £45 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 0988 0 and 0 7456 0989 9

The Road to Post‐Communism, Independent Political Movements in the Soviet Union 1985–1991 by Geoffrey A. Hosking, Jonathan Aves and Peter F.S. Duncan. London and New York: Pinter Publishers, 1992. Pp.x + 236; bibliography; index. £37.50 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 1 85567 080 1 and 1 85567 081 X  相似文献   
236.
237.
238.
Although many studies of clientelism focus exclusively on vote buying, political machines often employ diverse portfolios of strategies. We provide a theoretical framework and formal model to explain how and why machines mix four clientelist strategies during elections: vote buying, turnout buying, abstention buying, and double persuasion. Machines tailor their portfolios to the political preferences and voting costs of the electorate. They also adapt their mix to at least five contextual factors: compulsory voting, ballot secrecy, political salience, machine support, and political polarization. Our analysis yields numerous insights, such as why the introduction of compulsory voting may increase vote buying, and why enhanced ballot secrecy may increase turnout buying and abstention buying. Evidence from various countries is consistent with our predictions and suggests the need for empirical studies to pay closer attention to the ways in which machines combine clientelist strategies.  相似文献   
239.
240.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号