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41.
Marvin Benjamin Fried 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):403-416
Weimar Germany’s first foreign minister, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, presented the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 with a pamphlet of detailed German counterproposals to the peace terms. In a concise cover letter, which was translated into English by the author of the article, the experienced diplomat Brockdorff-Rantzau put forward his most convincing arguments for a fair settlement at Versailles. Though the counterproposals were ultimately rejected, this rare document represents one of the only direct attempts at negotiation that took place between Germany and the Allied powers. This article analyzes Brockdorff-Rantzau’s style of negotiation in order to discern whether the German government’s hopes for a balanced settlement were based on naiveté or cynicism. By outlining three coherent themes in his writings—anger/defensiveness, compromise, and the rule of law—this paper argues that Brockdorff-Rantzau’s words are indicative of a more cynical motivation behind his seemingly perspicuous arguments. 相似文献
42.
L. Marvin Overby 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(1):54-75
Using data from a 1996 pre-election survey, the causes and consequences of public approval of Republican congressional leaders in the 1990s are examined. Specifically, this article explores the extent of opinion formation regarding House Speaker Newt Gingrich and Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, and then attempts to account for the sources of these attitudes using multivariate models. Comparing and contrasting these findings as appropriate with what is known regarding public attitudes toward other political entities, the article reveals in particular that economic evaluations work differently for congressional leaders than for either the president or Congress as an institution. In a second section, the electoral ramifications of public attitudes toward Speaker Gingrich in the1996 elections are examined, determining that even in the presence of a host of powerful controls public evaluations of the speaker exercised a significant influence on respondents' vote choice, not just in congressional races also far down-ticket, a finding that supports a party-oriented model of legislative organisation. The paper concludes with some thoughts on the ability of these results to be generalised. 相似文献
43.
American Journal of Criminal Justice - 相似文献
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48.
Marvin Zalman 《Journal of criminal justice》1980,8(5):275-286
Criminal justice agencies have the means to increase their efficiency and to bring a larger proportion of the population within their net of surveillance and control. In the next twenty or forty years this form of control over citizens will increase. Simultaneously, growing bureaucratic and legal control mechanisms will prevent such control from becoming tyrannous. Over a longer period, given the possibility of a “no-growth” economy and a decline in the social and economic system that supports traditional civil liberties, there is a threat that an efficient criminal justice system would support tyrannous government. In the future tyranny can be avoided by the conscious policy of limiting the full potential of control over citizens by the criminal justice system. 相似文献
49.
Marvin Phaup 《Public administration review》2009,69(4):651-659
The U.S. financial crisis and recession that began in 2007 poses profound challenges for public policy and administration. It also provides useful information about the effects of economic policies. This paper considers the implications of current developments for the use of implied guarantees as an instrument of public policy. It draws on experience with Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to argue that implied federal guarantees have a severe disadvantage. Their costs are largely unmeasured, unrecognized in the budget, and unmanaged. Yet their use appears to be increasing in the current crisis. To minimize the costs of the expanded financial safety net, government should measure and manage those costs more effectively. To that end, this paper proposes new budgetary treatments of federal implied guarantees. 相似文献
50.
Psychiatric advance directives (PADs) are intended to support patients' treatment decisions during a crisis. However, PAD
statutes give clinicians broad discretion over whether to carry out patients' advance instructions. This study uses data from
a survey of psychiatrists (N=164) to examine reasons for overriding PADs. In response to a hypothetical vignette, 47% of psychiatrists indicated that
they would override a valid, competently-executed PAD that refused hospitalization and medication. PAD override was more likely
among psychiatrists who worked in hospital emergency departments; those who were concerned about patients' violence risk and
lack of insight; and those who were legally defensive. PAD override was less likely among participants who believed that involuntary treatment is largely unnecessary in a high-quality mental health
system. 相似文献