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191.
孙大虹 《云南警官学院学报》2001,(2):3-8
全省禁毒民警任职资格培训在我省乃至全国来说都尚属首次。为什么公安部和省公安厅会下这么大的决心、花这么大的精力来抓此事呢 ?一是“科教兴国”战略实施的时代要求 ;二是当前境内外严峻的毒情形势所迫 ;三是建立一支高素质禁毒队伍所需。为了深入、持久而稳步地推进禁毒民警培训工作 ,把全省禁毒民警的综合素质提高到一个新的水平。一是树立全新观念 ;二是增强机遇意识 ;三是提高实践能力。 相似文献
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193.
Veysey Bonita M. Steadman Henry J. Morrissey Joseph P. Johnsen Matthew Beckstead Jason W. 《Law and human behavior》1998,22(2):205-215
The prevalence of serious mental illnesses in jail populations is significantly greater than in the general population. Identifying individuals who warrant psychiatric evaluations is important and benefits correctional staff as well as detainees. One widely used screening instrument intended for this task is the Referral Decision Scale (RDS). This paper reviews the development and validation of the RDS. Using data from a multisite study which assessed postrelease outcomes for detainees with mental illness, various types of validity are addressed. The results confirm that the RDS has some inherent characteristics that seriously limit its practical application as a screening instrument for use by correctional staff. 相似文献
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The number of deaths as a consequence of orphenadine poisoning seems to increase, mostly among severely psychotic males. The lethal dose corresponds to the weekly average dose used in the treatment of neuroleptic extrapyramidal side effects. Based on the literature, the serious, rapidly incipient, cardiac, and neurologic symptoms of poisoning are emphasized. The handing out of orphenadine to suicidal persons must be restricted, and even small overdoses (1-2 g) ought to result in the immediate initiation of observation at an intensive care unit. 相似文献
196.
Charles L. Davis Matthew J. Gabel Kenneth M. Coleman 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1998,33(2):88-109
This study examines public opinion in Costa Rica and El Salvador regarding regional integration in Central America. Recent
efforts at regional integration as well as the response of the governments of the above countries to those efforts are reviewed.
Public opinion toward regional integration is significantly more positive but less structured in El Salvador than in Costa
Rica. Differences in the international and domestic contexts help to explain the differential responses in these two countries.
Likewise, contextual factors help to account for differences between Central American and European publics in attitudes toward
regional integration.
Charles L. Davis is associate professor of political science at the University of Kentucky. His interests are Latin American
politics and comparative political behavior. Matthew J. Gabel is assistant professor of political science at the University
of Kentucky. His interests are European politics and the politics of regional integration. Kenneth M. Coleman is a former
professor at the University of Kentucky, the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, and the University of New Mexico. His
interests are Latin American politics and public opinion. 相似文献
197.
198.
Matthew Brown 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(1):44-70
This article examines the recruiting practices, political propositions and changing identities of the Scottish adventurer Gregor MacGregor in the early nineteenth‐century Caribbean. Based on original archival research and revision of the existing secondary literature, it seeks to understand why he has consistently been judged as a failure, and why neither Scotland nor any of the countries MacGregor worked in have wanted to claim him as their own hero. After an introduction providing biographical details and some historical context for the Caribbean in the period 1811–1830, the article looks in detail at what have been seen to be his successes and failures in the Caribbean region. It asks to what extent questions of ethnicity or masculinity have affected the way contemporaries and historians viewed MacGregor and his actions. In conclusion, it suggests that although he was a soldier and a sailor, and he was declared both an Inca and a King, his career was deemed a failure by both contemporaries and historians in Scotland, South America and the Caribbean. The main explanation for this negative assessment is that his ambitions continually fell foul of the interests of various Caribbean elites and of the distinctive historical circumstances of the region.1 相似文献
199.
200.
Matthew J. Lindsay 《Law & social inquiry》1998,23(3):541-585
Between the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era, American state legislatures enacted a series of new laws that delineated a class of citizens who were deemed ineligible to participate in the institution of marriage. Scholars have characterized this development as evidence that lawmakers had lost faith in a laissez-faire approach to nuptial governance, and thus transformed marriage into an object of public regulation. This essay argues that behind the ostensible nuptial privatism of the mid-nineteenth century lay a self-conscious policy of judicial governance. Judges invoked the language of nuptial privacy and the common law of contract strategically to advance their vision of moral and economic discipline. The new marital prohibitions thus represented, the essay argues, not the expansion of the state's police power into the previously private realm of domestic relations, but rather a critical transformation in how nuptial reformers and lawmakers understood the relationship between marriage and the well-being of the polity.
Fueled by growing concerns about pauperism, the racial character of the urban proletariat, and the collapse of the economically independent single-male-breadwinner household, the changing form of nuptial governance signaled a thoroughgoing intellectual and strategic reorientation from an understanding of marriage as forming economically and morally viable households – the fundamental units of society – to an understanding of marriage as a largely procreative institution, as the literal source of the citizenry. This reconceptualization of marriage underwrote a strategy of nuptial governance that mobilized marriage as a strategy in the state's regulation of social reproduction. 相似文献
Fueled by growing concerns about pauperism, the racial character of the urban proletariat, and the collapse of the economically independent single-male-breadwinner household, the changing form of nuptial governance signaled a thoroughgoing intellectual and strategic reorientation from an understanding of marriage as forming economically and morally viable households – the fundamental units of society – to an understanding of marriage as a largely procreative institution, as the literal source of the citizenry. This reconceptualization of marriage underwrote a strategy of nuptial governance that mobilized marriage as a strategy in the state's regulation of social reproduction. 相似文献