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R G Evans 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》1990,15(1):101-128
"Control" of health care costs is often portrayed as a struggle between external, "natural" forces pushing costs up and individuals, groups, and societies trying to resist the inevitable. This picture is false. Control includes strenuous efforts by some to raise costs, and by others to resist those increases, and/or to transfer costs to someone else. But all such forces originate in the purposes and interests of individuals and groups. Health care cost control is a struggle among conflicting interests over the priorities of a society, and claims of "inevitability" are simply part of the political rhetoric of that struggle. International experience supports certain conclusions. First, there is no basis for the claim that limits on expenditure growth must threaten the health of (some members of) a society. Second, there is a substantial variety of experience with cost control. Failure in the United States is often presented as evidence of the impossibility of control, but most other countries have succeeded. Finally, control requires the direct confrontation of interests, with substantial build-up of stress. Advocates of expansion are more successful if they can transform compressive forces into efforts to shift the burden onto someone else. Pressures from providers in every country for "privatization" and/or payment by users reflect this recognition of economic interest. 相似文献
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People die daily in the hospital. Mostly, they die because their illnesses were no longer treatable (natural death). Unfortunately, some people die an unnatural death, in particular, as the result of euthanasia. In contrast to the situation in most countries, in the Netherlands euthanasia is accepted by the courts under strict conditions. It can be very difficult for the legal authorities to establish whether a person has died from natural causes or from suicide, euthanasia, or murder. In addition to the pathologist and the lawyer, the toxicologist also has a number of problems in showing whether euthanasia has been carried out. These can consist of the following analytical problems: (a) interactions--the patients involved have frequently been receiving a large number of toxic and nontoxic drugs simultaneously; (b) identification--not all drugs administered are included in general screening procedures; (c) metabolites--a large number of metabolites may have accumulated toward the end of a long therapeutic regimen; and (d) determination--determination of quaternary muscle relaxants and their various metabolites, as well as other drugs, can be problematic. There are also toxicokinetic problems; because of poor kidney and liver function, low serum albumen, general malaise, and interactions between these factors and other drugs, the kinetics of a given drug can differ from normal. This makes it all the more difficult to determine whether the patient died from an accumulation of medication or from a so-called "euthanetic" drug mixture.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS) 相似文献
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C.R. Pennell 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》1993,20(2):226-236
LE MAROC MÉDITERRANÉEN, LA TROISIÈME DIMENSION. Edited by HABIB EL MALKI. Casablanca, Editions le Fennec, 1992. 175 pp. Charts, tables. Dh48 (pb).
LE MAROC ET SON ESPACE MÉDITERRANÉEN. By FOUAD ZAIM. Rabat, Confluences, 1990. 216 pp. Maps, illustrations. Dh70 (pb).
REVUE MAROC‐EUROPE. Special edition ‘Le Maroc et la Mer’, no 2, 1992. Rabat, Editions La Porte, 1992. 332 pp. Dh80 (pb).
ON THE SPANISH MOROCCAN FRONTIER: A STUDY IN RITUAL POWER AND ETHNICITY. By HENK DRIESSEN. Oxford, Berg, 1992. x, 238 pp. 12 illustrations, 3 maps, 8 tables. 相似文献
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