首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   12587篇
  免费   1318篇
各国政治   486篇
工人农民   415篇
世界政治   931篇
外交国际关系   385篇
法律   9380篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   86篇
政治理论   2147篇
综合类   74篇
  2020年   371篇
  2019年   380篇
  2018年   438篇
  2017年   513篇
  2016年   528篇
  2015年   463篇
  2014年   470篇
  2013年   1331篇
  2012年   310篇
  2011年   396篇
  2010年   569篇
  2009年   534篇
  2008年   319篇
  2007年   284篇
  2006年   380篇
  2005年   270篇
  2004年   258篇
  2003年   254篇
  2002年   230篇
  2001年   455篇
  2000年   359篇
  1999年   305篇
  1998年   152篇
  1997年   140篇
  1996年   109篇
  1995年   135篇
  1994年   142篇
  1993年   119篇
  1992年   220篇
  1991年   237篇
  1990年   217篇
  1989年   233篇
  1988年   209篇
  1987年   181篇
  1986年   207篇
  1985年   226篇
  1984年   223篇
  1983年   186篇
  1982年   149篇
  1981年   131篇
  1980年   131篇
  1979年   151篇
  1978年   94篇
  1977年   80篇
  1976年   67篇
  1975年   71篇
  1974年   77篇
  1973年   64篇
  1972年   56篇
  1971年   59篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
291.
292.
A major challenge to the Doctrine of Double Effect (DDE) is the concern that an agent’s intention can be identified in such a fine-grained way as to eliminate an intention to harm from a putative example of an intended harm, and yet, the resulting case appears to be a case of impermissibility. This is the so-called “closeness problem.” Many people believe that one can address the closeness problem by adopting Warren Quinn’s version of the DDE, call it DDE*, which distinguishes between harmful direct agency and harmful indirect agency. In this paper, I first argue that Quinn’s DDE* is just as vulnerable to the closeness problem as the DDE is. Second, some might think that what we should therefore do is give up on intentions altogether and move towards some kind of non-state-of-mind, victim-based deontology. I shall argue against this move and explain why intentions are indispensable to an adequate nonconsequentialist theory. Finally, I shall propose a new way of answering the closeness problem.  相似文献   
293.
Between 1968 and 1974 Italy was subjected to an unusually virulent campaign of right‐wing terrorism and subversion. An illustrative episode associated with this so‐called ‘strategy of tension’, which was characterized by the systematic use of covert ‘false flag’ operations, was the 17 May 1973 grenade attack outside Milan police headquarters that resulted in four dead and over 40 injured. Although the perpetrator, Gianfranco Bertoli, claimed to be an ‘individualist anarchist’ and had in fact established contacts with certain anarchist and leftist groups, subsequent judicial investigations revealed that he had been an informant and infiltrator for the Italian military intelligence service, that he had long maintained links with various anti‐communist and neo‐fascist organizations, and that he apparently received ‘cover’ and some type of logistical support prior to the attack from one or more ‘international secret services’. Although many aspects of the crime still remain murky, in all probability Bertoli was an agent provocateur acting on behalf of clandestine, quasi‐official intelligence apparatuses rather than a solitary anarchist engaging in violent ‘propaganda of the deed’.  相似文献   
294.
The world set a goal in the Paris Agreement: to keep global warming within 1.5 degrees Celsius of preindustrial levels. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has explained why this is a valid goal. If global warming were to go higher than 1.5 degrees Celsius, this would jeopardize life on the planet with a potential multi-meter sea-level rise, the collapse of critical ecosystems, and the release of methane from thawing permafrost, possibly triggering runaway warming. Yet the world's current trajectory implies a catastrophic 2.7-degree- Celsius increase in global temperature.  相似文献   
295.
296.
297.
298.
299.
300.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号