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Matthew Loveless 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2009,44(2):118-136
Despite the long-standing normative assumption that, for individuals in transitional states, exposure to Western media cultivates
stronger attachments to Western political and economic values, the evidence presented here suggests otherwise. Using mass
public survey data from the mid-1990s in five Central and Eastern European countries, this article demonstrates a general
lack of support for international media’s positive contributions to individuals’ democratic attitudes and preferences for
market economies. This finding is particularly unexpected because the countries under investigation represent ideal cases
based on their proximity to Western democracies and international (Western) media sources’ capacities for extensive transnational
media penetration into the region. Yet this failure to find persuasive evidence of the influence of international media diffusion
on the development of Western political values sharpens our understanding of the process of political socialization in democratizing
countries by eliminating an assumed source and is thus relevant to students of democratization, international development,
and mass media.
Matthew Loveless is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Oxford. His interests include how individuals learn and change both behaviors and attitudes in countries under transition. Specific to Central and Eastern Europe, he is further interested in how this shapes citizens’ attitudes toward democratic institutions, market economies, and European Union membership. 相似文献
Matthew LovelessEmail: |
Matthew Loveless is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Oxford. His interests include how individuals learn and change both behaviors and attitudes in countries under transition. Specific to Central and Eastern Europe, he is further interested in how this shapes citizens’ attitudes toward democratic institutions, market economies, and European Union membership. 相似文献
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Although the use of strategic planning has become widespread in INGDOs they have often been accused of strategic drift—continuous change in their strategic directions with plans only loosely coupled to their activities. However, the way that they prioritize their activities, and the reasons why strategic drift occurs has generally escaped in‐depth research. This article draws on detailed, qualitative research of strategic planning meetings at the executive levels in a major INGDO, carried out between July 2006 and December 2007 to identify the reasons why strategic drift occurs and the role of strategic planning. It was found that by deliberately crafting multiple, ambiguous, and ambitious strategies, managers were able to effect organizational change, not by literal strategy implementation, but by using these strategies as metaphors to harness consensus and legitimacy in key stakeholder groups. Senior managers utilize the symbols, language and deliberative arenas of formal strategic planning to effect organizational change; however, strategy, in rational terms, needs to be located in the background for its role to be properly understood. The research unpacks complex decision‐making processes in an INGDO and, contrary to normative literature, recommends that, in order to avoid inflationary planning, managers should not take their strategy literally. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
315.
A central tenet of electoral systems' research is that more parties should get votes in districts with large magnitudes than in districts with smaller magnitudes. This proposition is largely untested at the district level, even though that is the level at which relevant pressures are expected to work. At the aggregate level, research has found that there are systematic deviations from Duverger's law related to incentives from ethnolinguistic fragmentation, institutions, and strategic voting. This analysis confirms that many of these results hold at the district level, which is the most appropriate level for testing Duverger's law. District level party-system fragmentation patterns in 44 countries support Duverger's basic hypotheses. The effect of electoral institutions is contingent, however, upon the presence of social cleavages that generate pressures for additional parties, the establishment of patterns of party-system competition that help voters evaluate contenders' viability, and the absence of competing incentives generated by districts of varying magnitudes. These effects are robust to different specifications of social heterogeneity. However, we find no evidence that institutional features like federalism or presidentialism reduce the strategic effects of district level factors. 相似文献
316.
Bala Ramasamy Matthew C. H. Yeung Alan K. M. Au 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2008,8(4):281-287
- Hong Kong's domestic economy has been through a roller coaster ride over the past decade. In early 2004, increasing the number of holidays as a strategy to boost domestic consumption was mooted. In this paper, we estimate the effect of holidays on private domestic consumption in Hong Kong. We do this by estimating both the long term and short‐term consumption functions. Our estimates suggest that an additional day holiday per quarter would increase private consumption expenditure (PCE) by HKD 213 on a per capita basis. Although an extra day holiday could add 0.34% to GDP, policy makers should also consider the possible costs (e.g. cost of unproductive) of such a policy.
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With the increasing spread of information technologies and their potential to filter content, some have argued that people will abandon the reading of dissenting political opinions in favor of material that is closely aligned with their own ideological position. We test this theory empirically by analyzing—both quantitatively and qualitatively—Web links among the writings of top conservative and liberal bloggers. Given our use of novel methods, we discuss in detail our sampling and data collection methodologies. We find that widely read political bloggers are much more likely to link to others who share their political views. However, we find no increase in this pattern over time. We also analyze the content of the links and find that while many of the links are based on straw-man arguments, bloggers across the political spectrum also address each others’ writing substantively, both in agreement and disagreement. 相似文献
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