A Multi-Leveled and Integrated Approach to Assessment and Intervention of Intimate Partner Violence

Intimate partner violence is a serious issue deeply embedded in multiple contexts both internal and external making treatment and interventions difficult to implement. Although numerous models offer vital insight into aspects of intimate partner violence, in isolation they may be less effective in addressing the unique elements and complexity of the abusive situation. Therefore, in order to provide an integrated and effective method of treatment, a multi-leveled theoretical approach delineating the change process is needed. Boss’s contextual model of family stress provides a broad paradigm affording clarity and organization for assessment, intervention, and treatment. Each of the elements of the contextual model of family stress are presented and applied to a case study outlining one battered woman’s experience. Clinical implications addressing stressors, resources, perceptions, and contextual elements are discussed as well as treatment recommendations.     

Unsung heroes? The deputy speakers of the British house of commons

Despite the importance of the positions, the Deputy Speakers of the British House of Commons are notable in their lack of academic and political coverage. The historical lineage of the offices can be traced back as far as the English Civil War, and the positions of Deputy Speaker and Chairman of Ways and Means developed separately until their combination in the last century. They now provide important support for the Speaker, and can assume nearly all of his or her powers in their absence, and retain specific and important responsibilities of their own. Three analytical models of power can be identified in the Deputy Speakers, ranging from autonomous, semi‐autonomous to independent in the exercise of their responsibilities and six types can be identified in analysing the motivations for MPs to accept the position. The Deputy Speakers are an often overlooked aspect of the British House of Commons, and are still a haven for those MPs who seek to be ‘parliamentarians’ rather than seeking ministerial office. Within certain parameters the positions are a reflection of the British political system, and whilst existing largely for administrative utility, should enjoy greater recognition.     

Lost in the Semiotic Maze: Empirical Approaches to Proof of Blurring in Trademark Dilution Law

One of the most interesting and possibly disturbing developments in U.S. trademark law in recent decades is the rise of a federal remedy for trademark dilution. Dilution law in theory provides a remedy for owners of famous trademarks when others use similar marks in ways that blur or tarnish the famous mark. This article focuses on attempts by courts and scholars to formulate a methodology for proving this elusive cause of action. The article offers a history of dilution regulation and analyzes and critiques representative empirical approaches to proving dilution, with a focus on dilution by blurring.     

Shot by the Messenger: Partisan Cues and Public Opinion Regarding National Security and War

Research has shown that messages of intra-party harmony tend to be ignored by the news media, while internal disputes, especially within the governing party, generally receive prominent coverage. We examine how messages of party conflict and cooperation affect public opinion regarding national security, as well as whether and how the reputations of media outlets matter. We develop a typology of partisan messages in the news, determining their likely effects based on the characteristics of the speaker, listener, news outlet, and message content. We hypothesize that criticism of a Republican president by his fellow partisan elites should be exceptionally damaging (especially on a conservative media outlet), while opposition party praise of the president should be the most helpful (especially on a liberal outlet). We test our hypotheses through an experiment and a national survey on attitudes regarding the Iraq War. The results show that credible communication (i.e., “costly” rhetoric harmful to a party) is more influential than “cheap talk” in moving public opinion. Ironically, news media outlets perceived as ideologically hostile can actually enhance the credibility of certain messages relative to “friendly” news sources.

Pedagogy and deliberative democracy: insights from recent experiments in the United Kingdom

A growing body of research suggests the existence of a disconnection between citizens, politicians and representative politics in advanced industrial democracies. This has led to a literature on the emergence of post-democratic or post-representative politics that connects to a parallel seam of scholarship on the capacity of deliberative democratic innovations to ‘close the gap’. This latter body of work has delivered major insights in terms of democratic design in ways that traverse ‘politics as theory’ and ‘politics as practice’. And yet the main argument of this article is that this seam of scholarship has generally failed to explore the existence of numerous pedagogical relationships that exist within the very fibre of deliberative processes. As such, the core contribution of this article focuses around the explication of a ‘pedagogical pyramid’ that applies a micro-political lens to deliberative processes. This theoretical contribution is empirically assessed with reference to a recent project that sought to test different citizen assembly pilots around plans for English regional devolution. The proposition being tested is that a better understanding of relational pedagogy within innovations is vital, not just to increase levels of knowledge, but also to build the capacity, confidence and contribution of democratically active citizens.     

Who opposes labor regulation? Explaining variation in employers’ opinions

Competing accounts of the effect of globalization on labor politics agree that firms influence regulations, but make contrasting predictions for which firms are most likely to oppose regulations. Using survey data from employers in 19,000 manufacturing firms in 82 developing countries, we examine the determinants of employers’ opinions toward labor regulation. In contrast to the predictions of optimistic theories of globalization, we find that (i) firms that export are more likely to have negative opinions toward labor regulation than those that sell domestically, and (ii) firms that receive foreign direct investment have similar views as firms that rely only on domestic capital. Further, we show that systematic differences in employers’ opinions depend on the intensity of the competitive pressures they face and their use of skilled workers. In doing so, we provide an empirically grounded account of the heterogeneous opinions of key actors in economic policymaking in developing countries.