首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   8329篇
  免费   10篇
各国政治   222篇
工人农民   1070篇
世界政治   182篇
外交国际关系   293篇
法律   4694篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   1875篇
综合类   1篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   7篇
  2018年   1277篇
  2017年   1203篇
  2016年   1014篇
  2015年   66篇
  2014年   26篇
  2013年   25篇
  2012年   194篇
  2011年   920篇
  2010年   1019篇
  2009年   585篇
  2008年   736篇
  2007年   689篇
  2006年   4篇
  2005年   63篇
  2004年   171篇
  2003年   149篇
  2002年   28篇
  2001年   7篇
  2000年   6篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   11篇
  1996年   19篇
  1995年   29篇
  1994年   22篇
  1993年   1篇
  1984年   10篇
  1983年   8篇
  1982年   5篇
  1979年   6篇
  1978年   7篇
  1977年   9篇
排序方式: 共有8339条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
141.
Police identification of people experiencing mental illness is usually based on either the person having an official contact history with police or through observing behavioural indicators commonly associated with mental illness during an encounter. Police have voiced concerns with their ability to identify and respond to people experiencing mental illness in a timely way and report that they commonly resort to more coercive tactical options to resolve encounters. The present study employed a mixed method design to examine 286 police use of force incidents to investigate the association between force used on and by offenders displaying irrational-unstable behavioural characteristics. The irrational-unstable offenders were two times more likely to be perceived by police to have an apparent mental disorder and almost four times more likely to have a known mental health history; one in six had an official record of contact with mental health services. There were few differences in police and offender use of force, considering force as both a categorical and a continuous variable, while incident-level comparisons suggested that police force was generally proportional to offender resistance. Implications are discussed in terms of the need to redress limitations with the traditional police approach style.  相似文献   
142.
Daniel B. Klein 《Society》2018,55(6):477-481
Jordan Peterson says that postmodernists say no interpretation is better than another. I would no sooner identify Peterson’s adversaries as those who have been misled by “postmodernism” than I would identify them as misled by “sustainability,” “diversity,” “multiculturalism,” or “intersectionality.” Such fare is mainly symptomatic. “Postmodern” invocations are often like “sustainability” invocations: inessential. This piece is not a defense of postmodernism. It is a critique of PoMo-bashing.  相似文献   
143.
144.
145.
146.
Tom Gallagher 《Society》2017,54(1):10-13
There is worldwide interest and concern over the pending US Presidency of Donald Trump. This article recounts the experience of the author and entrepreneur Merv Griffin with Trump in his business career and suggests clues for examining his exercise of the power of the Presidency. His choices for his cabinet and his advisers may well determine his success or failure. The evidence thus far is troubling.  相似文献   
147.

Germany has witnessed a veritable television boom over the last ten years. However, the plethora of new private channels masks an underlying duopoly, a concentration of media power that has not been prevented by an elaborate system of regulation. This article maps these developments, particularly the Lander competition for investment, the structural power of the media industry, and the emergence of a media policy ‘Grand Coalition’ between SPD North Rhine‐Westphalia and CSU Bavaria. It assesses the Federal Constitutional Court's role and highlights the public broadcasters’ crucial function to act as a pluralistic counterbalance in the dual public/private broadcasting system.  相似文献   
148.
149.
150.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号