Demokratie und Imperium. Tocqueville in Amerika und Algerien

Zusammenfassung Im Zentrum des Aufsatzes steht der Versuch, Tocquevilles Rechtfertigung der Kolonialisierung Algeriens aus seiner sozialen und politischen Analyse der Demokratie in Amerika zu erkl?ren. Die Eroberung und Besiedlung Algeriens ist für Tocqueville die M?glichkeit, die unaufhaltsam expansive und gewaltf?rmige Seite der demokratischen Lebensform zu nutzen, um die Gef?hrdungen, die zugleich von ihr ausgehen (Individualismus, Konformismus, Gleichgültigkeit), zu kompensieren. Mit dem imperialen Projekt zur Errichtung einer nordafrikanischen Kolonie sollte eine konformistische und erwerbsorientierte Bourgeoisie zu einer politisch führenden und tugendhaften Klasse erzogen und dem demokratischen Frankreich wieder der gebührende machtpolitische Platz unter den europ?ischen Nationen einger?umt werden. Erst sp?t erkennt Tocqueville, dass der brutale Verwüstungskrieg des franz?sischen Milit?rs gegen die indigene Bev?lkerung sich als das genaue Gegenteil erweist: n?mlich als Brutst?tte für Rassismus, Gewalt und Unterdrückung.

---

Summary Tocqueville’s justification of the French conquest and colonization of Algeria is not merely a blind spot of an otherwise liberal and enlightened thinker. It is a consequence of his social and political analysis of democracy as a dangerous way of life. For Tocqueville, the imperial conquest and occupation of Algeria was a kind of escape from the crisis and vulnerability democracy caused in the domestic politics of France, i.e. individualism, conformism and apathy. With the national project to raise a French colony on the coast of North Africa he intended to forge a political class of virtuous citizens out of a rather commercial and depoliticized bourgeoisie. At the same time a democratic France should recapture its former powerful position among the European nations. It is only in his late writings on Algeria that Tocqueville recognizes the disastrous outcome of this nation- and class-building politics: the ruthless war waged by the French military against the indigenous population proved to be a hotbed of racism, violence and domination.

---

Résumé Cet article tente d’expliquer les raisons qui ont poussé Tocqueville à justifier la colonisation de l’Algérie à partir de son analyse politique et sociale de la démocratie en Amérique. Tocqueville voit dans la conquête et le peuplement de l’Algérie la possibilité de tirer parti des tendances expansionnistes et violentes du mode de vie démocratique pour neutraliser les dangers (individualisme, conformisme, indifférence) qui lui son inhérents. Le projet impérial d’établir une colonie nord-africaine était destiné à transformer une bourgeoisie conformiste et matérialiste en une classe politiquement dominante et vertueuse ainsi qu’à redonner à la France démocratique le rang qui lui revenait parmi les nations européennes. Ce n’est que tardivement que Tocqueville a compris que la guerre brutale et impitoyable menée par l’armée fran?aise contre la population indigène s’avérait être l’exact contraire: le terreau du racisme, de la violence et de l’oppression.

---

---

Der Aufsatz ist die erweiterte Fassung meines Habilitationsvortrags, der am 4. Juli 2005 vor der Philosophischen Fakult?t III der Humboldt Universit?t zu Berlin gehalten wurde. Für Anregungen und Hinweise danke ich Harald Bluhm, Hans-Christoph Schr?der, Skadi Krause und Effi B?hlke.     

Determining body height by the femur and femoral fragments

Using a forensic series of human specimens, the reliability of frequently-cited formulas applied to estimate body height on the basis of the femur was examined with regard to their accuracy. Very few proved reliable enough to render accurate results. In most cases, less than half of the actual body heights were found to have predicted within the single estimation interval. The method to be used for such estimations must therefore be selected with great care. Even with partial femur measures, it is possible to estimate reliably body height. In particular, the circumference of the diaphysis centre correlates well with body height. The regression equations calculated in the present study, however, reveal greater errors in estimates than the formulas worked out using the total femur length.     

Small enough to fail: the structural irrelevance of the small state as cause of its elimination and proliferation since Westphalia

Since the Peace of Westphalia, few great powers have “died”, while the “death rate” and proliferation of small states has been dramatic at times. What causes these fluctuations? In this paper, I claim that the dominant reason for the extinction, emergence and proliferation of the small state over the last three and a half centuries is to be found at the system level. Ultimately, small state survival is determined by the particular set-up of the state system. I advance this argument from the perspective of international relations theory, integrating the relevant scholarship of the English School and realism, especially structural realism. The latter’s systemic perspective provides the basis for arguing that small states are structurally irrelevant. It is this feature of the small state, its irrelevance with regard to the power-based structure of the state system, which has caused the small state to “struggle for existence” in the past, and which has allowed small states to proliferate during the bipolar Cold War.     

Between technocracy and politics: How financial stability committees shape precautionary interventions in real estate markets

Implementing precautionary measures that have obvious distributional consequences today but often only invisible future benefits is politically difficult. It requires that policymakers reconcile technocratic expertise with political consent. This paper traces attempts to enact such measures, focusing on countercyclical policies to limit the systemic risks of housing booms as proposed by financial stability committees in Germany, France, and the Netherlands from 2015 onwards. These committees bring together technocrats and political authorities in order to overcome the inaction bias inherent to these measures, seeking to forge both epistemic and political consensus on the need for action. We find that the work of these committees is characterized by lengthy processes of consensus-building, during which technocrats amass evidence and search for politically acceptable solutions. We argue that whether this leads to meaningful steps crucially depends on the committee's institutional set-up. What particularly matters is its capacity to engage the Ministry of Finance in binding discussions and the governance arrangements for the activation of precautionary instruments, which shape whether a shared framing of the problem and appropriate response emerges.     

Cream-skimming at the frontline: The role of administrative literacy

The notion of cream-skimming—defined as the propensity to prioritize clients who have a higher likelihood of meeting bureaucratic success criteria, including organizational goals—is at the heart of street-level bureaucracies. However, there is often no direct information available to street-level bureaucrats whether clients will actually meet bureaucratic success criteria. This study argues that street-level bureaucrats assess clients' potential to reach these criteria via their administrative literacy—a client's capacity to obtain, process, and understand basic information and services from public administrations—as displayed in social interactions. Therefore, this study elaborates on the role of clients' administrative literacy and its effects on cream-skimming behavior. Using data from two experiments, we show that public employees prioritize clients with higher levels of preparedness and effective communication strategies. These findings suggest that cream-skimming is not just a rational cost–benefit analysis, but strongly influenced by social dynamics within public encounters.     

Self-legitimation in the face of politicization: Why international organizations centralized public communication

International organizations (I0) have centralized their public communication to a large extent over recent decades by undertaking a broader codification of communication tasks as well as a departmentalization of these tasks within units of IO bureaucracies. The paper provides the first systematic analysis of this important development in institutional design using a novel data set on the organization of public communication in 48 IOs between 1950 and 2015. It identifies self-legitimation as a key driver of centralization in the face of increased levels of politicization, that is, public awareness and activism directed at IOs. Empirically, the study suggests that the centralization of public communication significantly increases as transnational civil society organizes and gains access to IO decision-making. Further, politicization in terms of contentious activism and public scandals substantially accounts for varying levels of centralization across IOs.     

Biased contests

We examine the effects of providing more accurate information to a political decision-maker lobbied by competing interests. We investigate how this bias in the direction of the correct decision affects efficiency, measured (inversely) by both the probability of taking an incorrect decision, and the amount of social waste associated to lobbying activities. We present a benchmark model in which increasing the bias always improves efficiency. However, this result is fragile as slight changes in the contest success function lead to slightly different models in which under either criterion there is no guarantee that more accurate information improves the decision.     

Is resilience enough? The macroprudential reform agenda and the lack of smoothing of the cycle

After the financial crisis, central banks were entrusted with implementing an ambitious macroprudential reform agenda. The goal was arguably twofold: to increase the resilience of the financial system and to lower the amplitudes of the financial cycle. A decade later, the implementation of the agenda is characterized by the pursuit of measures to raise the resilience of the financial system, while tools to smoothen the cycle have been rather sidelined. To explain this difference in implementation efforts, the article combines ideational scholarship with the analytical stance of reputational theory and analyses the technocratic debate over macroprudential strategy among policy‐makers of the Fed, the Bank of England (BoE) and the European Central Bank (ECB). The article identifies reputational concerns linked to the need for discretionary interventions, the uncertain scientific status of the concept of the cycle and missing metrics as causes for concern, leading most central banks to shy away from forcefully implementing this policy goal.     

From the national state to the rational state and back? An exercise in understanding politics and identity in Germany in the twentieth century

The end of the East‐West conflict and the unification of Germany in 1990 have dramatically altered the geopolitical shape of Europe. Speculations abound, in particular as regards Germany: have the spectres of German nationalism been banished for good? Is the new Berlin Republic different from the Bonn Republic? This article traces the national idea in Germany since the early nineteenth century and argues that the Bonn years have been crucial in the development of a civic culture which transcends the concept of a nation dominant in Germany from 1871 to 1945. Rather than marking a return of traditional nationalist concepts, the unification of Germany may well open the way for a lasting reorientation towards a civic concept of national identity in Germany.