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101.
Max Abrahms 《安全研究》2013,22(2):223-253
The conventional wisdom is that terrorists tend to target democracies because they are uniquely vulnerable to coercion. Terrorists are able to coerce democracies into acceding to their policy demands because liberal countries suffer from two inherent counterterrorism constraints: (1) the commitment to civil liberties prevents democracies from adopting sufficiently harsh countermeasures to eradicate the terrorism threat, and (2) their low civilian cost tolerance limits their ability to withstand attacks on their civilian populations. This article tests both propositions of the conventional wisdom that (a) terrorists attack democracies over other regime types because (b) liberal constraints render democracies vulnerable to coercion. The data do not sustain either proposition: illiberal countries are the victims of a disproportionate number of terrorist incidents and fatalities, and liberal countries are substantially less likely to make policy concessions to terrorists, particularly on issues of maximal importance. A plausibility probe is then developed to explain why democracies have a superior track record against terrorists. The basic argument is that liberal countries are comparatively resistant to coercion—and hence inferior targets—because they are superior counterterrorists. Liberalism's commitment to civil liberties and low civilian cost tolerance are, in the aggregate, actually strategic assets that help democracies prevail in counterterrorist campaigns, thereby reducing the incentives for terrorists to target this regime type. These findings have important implications for how democracies can defend their liberal values and physical security in the age of terrorism. 相似文献
102.
Max Stephenson Jr. 《European Security》2013,22(3):326-337
This article examines the case of the Community Foundation for Northern Ireland's (CFNI) experience as a primary recipient of peacebuilding aid from the European Union (EU) under the Special EU Programmes Body Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland (SEUPB-EUSSPPR). The case serves as a lens into the tensions that such efforts create for community-based organizations as they seek both to honor their funder's accountability claims and their own needs to ensure legitimacy and efficacy with those with whom they interact so as to secure space and discretion to seek to catalyze social experimentation and learning. This paper argues the Foundation's experience and frustrations with EU accountability claims point up a difficulty with the SEUPB's comprehensive conceptualization of peacebuilding: It tends in practice to favor Union-prescribed aims and objectives over those its ‘partners’ derive from their daily efforts. 相似文献
103.
Max Leitner 《Juristische Bl?tter》2007,129(4):247-251
Der Unterlassungsanspruch des § 28 Abs 1 KSchG richtet sich gegen gesetzwidrige Vertragsbestimmungen. Eine Vertragsbestimmung
liegt aber nicht vor, wenn der Kunde lediglich best?tigt, die Ware vollst?ndig erhalten zu haben. Es wird zwischen den Parteien
nichts geregelt, der Kunde gibt keine Willenserkl?rung ab, die den Vertrag gestaltet. Durch seine Best?tigung wird lediglich
ein Beweismittel geschaffen, das der richterlichen Beweiswürdigung im Individualverfahren unterliegt. Das Gesetz selbst untersagt
im § 6 Abs 1 Z 11 KSchG nur für den Verbraucher nachteilige Vereinbarungen über die Beweislast, w?hrend durch eine Wissenserkl?rung
die Beweislastverteilung nicht vertraglich abge?ndert wird. Die Wissenserkl?rung sagt lediglich aus, wovon der Erkl?rende
im Zeitpunkt der Erkl?rung ausgegangenist. Dies im übrigen auch nur dann, wenn der Erkl?rende die Erkl?rung bewusst abgegeben
und nicht nur eine ungelesene Urkunde unterfertigte. Die Klausel "Vollst?ndig erhalten:" unterliegt nicht der Inhaltskontrolle
nach § 28 Abs 1 KSchG und stellt keine Beweislastverschiebung zu Lasten des Verbrauchers im Sinne des § 6 Abs 1 Z 11 KSchG
dar. Ma?geblich für die Qualifikation einer Klausel als eigenst?ndig im Sinne des § 6 KSchG ist nicht die Gliederung des Klauselwerks;
es k?nnen vielmehr auch zwei unabh?ngige Regelungen in einem Punkt oder sogar in einem Satz der Allgemeinen Gesch?ftsbedingungen
enthalten sein. Es kommt vielmehr darauf an, ob ein materiell eigenst?ndiger Regelungsbereich vorliegt. Dies ist dann der
Fall, wenn die Bestimmungen isoliert voneinander wahrgenommen werden k?nnen. 相似文献
104.
Forensic science is being required to justify and elucidate its scientific foundations. One way of doing this is through academic curricula. For many native forensic sciences, these curricula do not exist. A content analysis of nine major books in fingerprints was conducted to develop a structure for curricula in that field. The results of this study can be used to organize course content and serve as a model for other disciplines with published materials but no coherent or standard curricula. 相似文献
105.
106.
This article examines use of performance measurement and accountability factors and the related changes to accounting systems after organizations are privatised. The outcome has been determined by reviewing prior research and by undertaking a survey of organizations privatised in Australia between 1990 and 1998. Although the government's primary motivation might have been the reduction of government debt overall, changes in performance indicators, accountability factors and information systems suggest that efficiency remains an ongoing goal of the new management arrangements. The article concludes that there have been changes in performance measurement and accountability and that this has required some adjustment to accounting information systems, but not to the extent expected. 相似文献
107.
Max Anthony Maxwell 《Women's Studies: An inter-disciplinary journal》2013,42(3):260-261
108.
109.
Max Travers 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2019,43(1):1-12
Southern Criminology is a theoretical perspective that shifts the focus from the state criminal justice process to global inequalities, transnational crime, and postcolonial politics. While recognising the importance of this shift in perspective for a globalising world, this paper asks two difficult questions. Firstly, how easy is it to generalise about whole regions of the world in advancing a political viewpoint? Secondly, is it possible for those in the West to imagine an alternative global criminology, if non-Western societies really do have different cultural values and epistemologies? For example, how should we respond to traditional practices among Indigenous Australians or a Confucian understanding of crime? These questions may make a Southern Criminology sound impossible in the same way as other varieties of critical theory. But this paper is intended to strengthen this emerging movement by acknowledging, and working through, potential difficulties. 相似文献
110.