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991.
This paper analyzes the legal issues surrounding defendants' liability for property value diminution caused by stigma from environmental contamination. The courts, law review articles, and public policy analyses are in disagreement over how to handle stigma damages. This paper argues that a reasonable risk of contamination is not required for a nuisance claim if community effects, which were caused by the contamination, are present. The authors then turn to issues regarding the level of damages and propose a methodology for measuring compensation that is based on a guaranteed sales price. This methodology is applied to the RSR smelter in Dallas, Texas.  相似文献   
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In 45 cases of sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) in which unsuccessful attempts at resuscitation had been made and in 21 cases without attempted resuscitation, systematic histological investigations were carried out on the thymus. In these investigations, petechial hemorrhages were detected in 82% of the cases with attempted resuscitation and in 76% of the cases without attempted resuscitation. The histological distribution pattern of the petechial thymus hemorrhages did not differ notably between the two groups. The pattern of findings indicates that the hemorrhages had already developed during the death agony and that the typical histological distribution pattern with an increased occurrence of petechial in the cortical zone was altered by massive attempts at resuscitation in individual cases.  相似文献   
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Since 1868 nineteen Prime Ministers have answered parliamentary questions, made statements, given major speeches, and intervened in debates in the House of Commons. This article presents a comparative and quantitative analysis of PMS' behaviour patterns on these four dimensions. Key findings include: the importance of 1940 as the critical break between a traditional and a modem form of parliamentary activity, in which Prime Ministers make fewer contributions to Commons proceedings altogether, fewer speeches and far fewer interventions in debates than in the pre-1940 period, but more statements; the emergence of question time as the absolutely dominant form of prime ministerial activity in the Commons, especially from the mid-1970s onwards; and the distinctiveness of Thatcher's minimalist Commons activity, when set against other post-1940 PMs.  相似文献   
999.
The toxicological findings of a multi-drug related fatal poisoning are described here. A 35-year-old Caucasian male found dead on the kitchen floor was a known user of abused drugs and had been taking aspirin alone or in combination with phenacetin and caffeine for the relief of joint pains. The gross examination of the organs at autopsy revealed slight grooving of the uncus and various stages of necrosis in the renal papillae. Histological examination confirmed the gross appearance of pulmonary congestion and edema, cerebral edema and interstitial nephritis of the tubules. Toxicological evaluation of the blood and urine samples disclosed the presence of propoxyphene (51 and 250 mg/l), salicylate (185 and 2750 mg/l), caffeine (16 and 37 mg/l), and phenacetin (9.6 and 20 mg/l). Furthermore, acetaminophen also was present in the plasma (54 mg/l) and urine. A gas liquid chromatographic method for simultaneous analysis of phenacetin and caffeine utilizing a nitrogen phosphorus detector was proposed.  相似文献   
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The marginality hypothesis is an attempt to relate the voting margins of members of Congress to their subsequent legislative behavior. A major corollary of the hypothesis is that members of Congress with small victory margins will be more responsive to constituents than those with large victory margins. This has been assumed to mean that electorally secure representatives can afford to be more loyal to their congressional parties, since they have less cause to worry about their chances for reelection. Previous empirical studies have produced mixed results. We ask the question in a different way: Do changes in marginality affect party voting within Congress? If so, major shifts in the electorate potentially can have a fundamental impact on the behavior of Congress itself. We find that this is not true. Electoral margin is simply not related to party loyalty.  相似文献   
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