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841.
Carol W. Lewis 《Public administration review》2005,65(1):18-30
This study examines U.S. public opinion on civil liberties and security in response to the politically pivotal events of September 11, 2001—what shape it is in, what shapes it, and what it shapes. Public opinion is a critical restraint on political and administrative action today because so many regulators, rule makers, and law enforcers are making decisions or advocating policies that directly affect the balance between liberty and security. The general importance that is popularly attributed to terrorism is gauged by its ranking among the most important problems. The ostensibly contradictory public attitudes toward civil liberties are analyzed, as is the supposed inconsistency between perceived personal impact and the general significance attributed to the attacks. The data rebut the allegation that the public is readily disposed to restrict civil liberties as the price of security. Findings show the public does not perceive a personal or immediate threat to civil liberties. The implications for further research and good governance are laid out. 相似文献
842.
While researchers have provided evidence that recent stressors in adulthood and single traumatic events in childhood predict psychological disorder, few have examined the cumulative impact of childhood adversity on later well-being. Using a sample of 649 college students from New England, this research examines whether cumulative trauma in childhood and adolescence is related to depressive symptoms in young adults, and explores the mediating factors that operate in this association. Results indicate clear differences in cumulative trauma by sociodemographic characteristics, with males, nonwhites, and those with less than college-educated parents, reporting significantly greater levels of adversity. We also find that higher trauma is associated with both early onset of depressive disorder and later depressive symptoms. Path analyses reveal that, while some of the association between childhood adversity and depression in young adults is direct, most is explained by the mediating effects of later stress, low self-esteem, and early onset of disorder. 相似文献
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Melissa H. Birch 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5-8):1387-1413
This review of the historical record of economic integration in southern South America demonstrates that while MERCOSUR is very much an outgrowth of historical attempts at Latin American political and economic integration, and closely follows on the bilateral Argentina-Brazil accords of the mid-1980s, it also represents an adaptation to the contemporary political climate. The political process through which MERCOSUR was pursued and the emphasis on regional cooperation is reminiscent of the traditional rhetoric and strategy associated with Latin American integration attempts. Yet, the form and timing of its growth has clearly been influenced by international events and conditioned by current trends toward free markets and neo-liberal economic policies. As such, MERCOSUR represents the current set of public policies which define the new competitive environment for business in the Southern Cone. 相似文献
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Melissa Gross Elizabeth P. Cramer Janett Forte Jill A. Gordon Tara Kunkel Laura J. Moriarty 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2000,24(2):301-312
Past domestic violence research has tended to focus on issues related to law enforcement responses. More recently, the focus
has shifted to other components of the criminal justice system, such as prosecution and correctional responses, to determine
the best way to reduce domestic violence. This project is a case study of 177 male convicted domestic violence offenders who
were sentenced to one of five options: community corrections; jail; a suspended sentence; private counseling, a fine, or restitution;
and advisement. The focus of this inquiry is on the likelihood of each sanction reducing future arrests and convictions for
domestic violence. The results reveal that no one sanction is more effective than the other options.
A draft of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Criminal Justice Association, Chattanooga, TN, 1999.
The authors would like to thank the editor and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions on an
earlier version of this paper. This work stems from a project started by Chesterfield County and Melissa Gross to complete
her Master of Social Work degree requirements. The primary authors of this piece are Jill A. Gordon and Laura J. Moriarty.
The ordering of names are alphabetical after Melissa Gross. 相似文献
849.
Lewis Taylor 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2000,19(4):437-459
From its foundation in 1930 until the late 1980s, the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) comprised the largest and best organised political party in Peru, but surprisingly few studies exist on how the organisation was established and built up a mass following at the provincial level. This article examines the birth of APRA in the Andean department of Cajamarca. It highlights the support the organisation obtained among key middle–class groups (i.e. lawyers, schoolteachers, cattle dealers, etc.), and the links they forged with the rural and urban poor. APRA's efforts to mobilise “new” social actors, such as women and students, are also described. 相似文献
850.