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181.
Paul W. Thurner Michael Stoiber Cornelia Weinmann 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2005,46(4):552-574
We investigate the informal bilateral transgovernmental relations between equivalent ministries of EU member states during the preparation of the Intergovernmental Conference 1996. Starting point of this analysis is the hypothesis of a growing importance of transnational and transgovernmental relations as a cause and a result of European integration. Whereas these proclaimed tendencies have been extensively researched with regard to economic interdependencies and transnational relations of societal actors, networks of the administrative and bureaucratic elites have been rather neglected. Applying diverse concepts of network analysis, we identify the hitherto latent informal network structures of the governments. The overall configuration can be described as a mixture of a centre-periphery structure and cohesive blocks. The gradual center-periphery structure consists of a “triumvirate” of the powerful member states (Germany — France — Great Britain) and smaller states, and is characterized by a clear north-south dimension. The costs of informal coordination are mainly borne by the large member states as well as by “brokers” (Austria, BeNeLux, Finland, Sweden). 相似文献
182.
Recent research has tried to uncover the political space in which the Council of Ministers of the European Union decides. Rather than the left-right conflict or a cleavage between governments with national and supranational attitudes, this article shows that a redistributive dimension, decisively shapes the interactions in this most important legislative body of the European Union. In contrast to extant studies, we employ ex ante rather than ex post preference data and rely on correspondence analysis as a means to identify the underlying dimensions of contestation. The article concludes with an empirical investigation of how enlargement will affect the emerging political space within the European Union. Our quantitative analysis suggests that the gulf between net-contributors and net-receivers will further deepen. 相似文献
183.
Prior to the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, traditional academic assumptions about the British Conservative party focused on its emphasis on party unity, the centrality of loyalty to the party, and its ideological pragmatism in the pursuit of power. The leadership of her successor, John Major, was undermined by disunity, disloyalty and ideological conflict, which contributed to the Tory party's removal from power. The ideological implosion of one the most disciplined and electorally successful parties in Western Europe, has stimulated considerable academic appraisal. This article considers the design and utilisation of the ideological typologies of contemporary British conservatism that have been used by academics to help explain the nature of this ideological conflict. By analysing these developments in typological design, we can enhance our understanding of the ideological realignment of contemporary British conservatism in the immediate post-Thatcherite era. 相似文献
184.
185.
Recently, we proposed an original statistical model for forecasting general elections in the United Kingdom, based on the observation of a few key indicators of the political and economic system. That vote function model was tested against the results of the 2001 general election. Here we evaluate the results of that test, and offer an appropriately revised model for the forecasting of the upcoming 2005 general election. According to our forecast, a Labour victory appears the most likely outcome. 相似文献
186.
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188.
Andreas Weiß 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2008,18(4):663-677
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Andreas Wei? geb. 1978. Magister Artium, Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am SFB 640 Repr?sentationen sozialer Ordnungen im Wandel, Teilprojekt A5 Transnationale ?ffentlichkeiten und Repr?sentationen im Vergleich: Europa, arabische Welt, Russland, 1850er–1910er Jahre und 1990er Jahre der Humboldt-Universit?t zu Berlin. Forschungsschwerpunkte: Europa des 19./20. Jahrhunderts, Beziehungsgeschichte zwischen Europa und der au?ereurop?ischen Welt mit Schwerpunkt Asien. 相似文献
Andreas Wei?Email: |
Andreas Wei? geb. 1978. Magister Artium, Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am SFB 640 Repr?sentationen sozialer Ordnungen im Wandel, Teilprojekt A5 Transnationale ?ffentlichkeiten und Repr?sentationen im Vergleich: Europa, arabische Welt, Russland, 1850er–1910er Jahre und 1990er Jahre der Humboldt-Universit?t zu Berlin. Forschungsschwerpunkte: Europa des 19./20. Jahrhunderts, Beziehungsgeschichte zwischen Europa und der au?ereurop?ischen Welt mit Schwerpunkt Asien. 相似文献
189.
Hildegard Theobald 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2008,18(2):257-281
Social and demographic changes in western societies have led to a (re-)definition of social rights related to care-dependency and the introduction of further regulations of formal and informal care delivery. Care has increasingly become provided in the public sectors – the state, market and civic sector – and new types of cash benefits to support informal family care have been introduced. In this article, the concept of social care is used as a theoretical tool to analyse the relationship between the (re-)definition of social rights, the growth of a regular or grey care labour market and the related development of new forms of inequality according to socio-economic class and ethnicity in the female dominated area. The empirical comparison of the developments in Sweden, Germany and Italy reveals the dimensions of social rights – eligibility criteria, level and types of benefits – which are decisive for the growth of a regular and grey care labour market and the intersection of different forms of inequality. 相似文献
190.
Thomas Schwinn 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2008,18(1):8-31
The impact of globalization on the structure of social inequality is controversial discussed in actual debates. The national focused research is challenged by globalists. The article concentrates on the problem of order and shows how this is solved by the national structures of social inequality. In the next step the reasons for and against the national solution are presented. Finally the possibility of transnational constituting structures of social inequality is examined. How probable is the structuration of global inequality if basic elements of order are missing on this level? 相似文献