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831.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - 相似文献
832.
This article explores the construction of extremism in media discourse, the factors driving specific constructions and the implications of these constructions for counterterrorism policy. We contend that extremism has predominantly and increasingly been framed as a security issue. This article explores the implications of this practice through the framework of securitisation. We measure the average intensity of security framing in 38,616 articles found in three major US newspapers, New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Los Angeles Times, between 20 January 1993 and 19 January 2017 comprising the Clinton, Bush and Obama presidencies, and look at factors influencing the shift in intensity over time. Through our analysis, we show that it is possible to return to a pre-9/11 discourse but that the confluence of real-world events and the strategic choices of political actors have so far prevented this from fully occurring. We then explore the effect of securitisation on public perceptions of the threat from terrorism, finding that increases in the intensity of security framing artificially increases the public’s worry about becoming a victim of terrorism. We conclude by discussing implications for the communication of counterterrorism policy and the requirements for an after, after 9/11 approach 相似文献
833.
Dorte Sindbjerg Martinsen Michael Blauberger Anita Heindlmaier Jessica Sampson Thierry 《Public administration》2019,97(4):814-828
This article analyses the implementation of European case law at the bureaucratic frontline of European member states. Theoretically, insights from street‐level implementation studies are combined with judicial impact research. Empirically, we compare how EU rules on free movement and cross‐border welfare are applied in practice in Denmark, Austria and France. We find that when applying EU rules in practice, street‐level bureaucrats are confronted with a world of legal complexity, consisting of ambiguous rules, underspecified concepts and a recent judicial turn by the Court of Justice of the European Union. In order to manage complexity, street‐level bureaucrats turn to their more immediate superiors for guidance. As a consequence, domestic signals shape the practical application of EU law. Despite bureaucratic discretion and many country differences, domestic signals create uniform, restrictive outcomes of EU law in all three cases. Thus we show that there is considerable room for politics in EU implementation processes. 相似文献
834.
Michael H. Creswell 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2019,42(5):464-492
For America's foes in Afghanistan and the Middle East, triumph on the battlefield is less important than winning the battle of perceptions. In response, the United States has turned to Strategic Communication and Public Diplomacy (SC-PD) to engage key audiences in ways that advance U.S. interests and to win the political-ideological contest for domestic and international legitimacy. But are these strategies effective? While winning hearts and minds is politically important, SC-PD—even at its best—is much less effective than other well-crafted and mutually supportive policies and strategies. Moreover, there are structural obstacles that greatly limit the effectiveness of SC-PD. 相似文献
835.
In Europe, it is relatively uncommon to find studies that investigate the criminal profiles of violent offenders, especially infrequent are those that pay special attention to offenders’ mental health/substance use disorders and histories of violence during childhood. The current research explores whether inmates who are incarcerated for violent offenses (n = 536) in Spain are different in terms of the aforementioned factors as compared to inmates incarcerated for non-violent offenses (n = 536). Multivariate logistic regression analysis revealed that violent offenders, as compared to their non-violent counterparts, were more likely to be younger, younger at the time of their first arrest, single, use alcohol, receive treatment in prison for anxiety or schizophrenia, and report physical abuse during childhood. 相似文献
836.
Using the 2017 post-election German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), this article examines the voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the 2017 German federal election. We show that AfD voters in 2017 were truly ‘flesh of the same flesh’ of the mainstream German political parties, with the AfD drawing its voters from across the political party spectrum as well as from previous non-voters in 2013. In contrast to previous scholarship, we find that in most respects AfD voters in 2017 did not differ demographically from voters for all other parties, be that in terms of gender, education, employment status, and union membership. Furthermore, we find that AfD voters were not driven by anxiety about their own economic situation: they are no ‘losers of globalisation.’ Instead, AfD voters in 2017 were driven solely by two factors: their attitudes towards immigrants/refugees and anti-establishment sentiment/satisfaction with democracy in Germany. 相似文献
837.
J. Paul Goode 《后苏联事务》2019,35(2):140-160
This article argues that the sources of official and societal ambivalence towards civic nationhood in today’s Russia are found in the institutional instability and personalist dynamics of hybrid regime politics in the 1990s. Successful civic nation-building should institutionalize inclusive criteria for citizenship as a basis for policymaking, which in turn should create incentives for dominant ethnicities to embrace civic nationhood. While the shifting views of Boris Yel’tsin on nationalities policy and the constant turmoil in the government’s nationalities ministry have received little scholarly attention, they illuminate the endogenous sources of regime instability in relation to civic nation-building. Russia’s experience thus challenges the traditional view of ethnic nationalism as fostering authoritarianism and civic nationalism as fostering democracy: rather, competitive authoritarianism in the 1990s confounded the regime’s own efforts toward civic nation-building and laid the groundwork for the “ethnic turn” in Russian politics under Vladimir Putin. 相似文献
838.
Michael J. Cleveland Mark E. Feinberg Mark T. Greenberg 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(2):114-126
This study used data from a sample of 6th to 12th grade students (N = 48,641, 51% female), nested in 192 schools, to determine if the influence of family-based protective factors varied across
different school contexts. Hierarchical logistic regression models were used to examine the effects of individual-level family
protective factors, relative to school-level aggregates of the same factors, on recent (past 30 days) use of cigarettes, alcohol,
and marijuana. Cross-level interactions indicated that the effect of the student’s level of family protection, relative to
other students in their school, differed depending on the aggregated school level of family protection. The results suggested
that the benefit of belonging to a well-functioning family was more influential for students attending schools characterized
by higher-than-average aggregated levels of protection compared to students attending schools of lower-than-average protection.
Thus, family-level factors offered less protection for students in relatively high-risk school contexts. These results were
consistent with a protective–reactive interaction and suggest that a thorough understanding of adolescent substance use must
consider the complex interplay among adolescents, their families, and their social environments. 相似文献
839.
James J. Mazza Charles B. Fleming Robert D. Abbott Kevin P. Haggerty Richard F. Catalano 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(6):579-593
Few studies have examined risk factors of childhood and early adolescent depressive symptomatology trajectories. This study
examined self-report depressive symptomatology across a 6-year time period from 2nd to 8th grade to identify latent groups
of individuals with similar patterns of depressive phenomena in a sample of 951 children (440 girls, 511 boys). Analyses,
using semiparametric group modeling (SGM), identified 5 trajectory groups for girls and boys: low depressed stables, low depressed
risers, mildly depressed stables, moderately depressed changers, and moderately depressed risers. Individual risk factors,
with the exception of shy/withdrawn behavior, were significantly different across trajectory group membership for boys and
girls, as was low-income status for boys. Boys in the low depressed and mildly depressed stable trajectory groups had significantly
higher levels of antisocial behavior, attention problems, and lower social competency compared to girls in similar groups.
These results suggest that universal prevention programs implemented in early elementary school that target selected risk
factors may be helpful in reducing future adolescent mental health problems, specifically depressive symptomatology. 相似文献
840.
Hyeouk Chris Hahm Yoona Lee Al Ozonoff Michael J. Van Wert 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(5):528-540
The purpose of this study was to investigate how different types of child maltreatment, independently and collectively, impact
a wide range of risk behaviors that fall into three domains: sexual risk behaviors, delinquency, and suicidality. Cumulative
classification and Expanded Hierarchical Type (EHT) classification approaches were used to categorize various types of maltreatment.
Data were derived from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). Our sample consisted
of White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian females ages 18 to 27 (n = 7,576). Experiencing different kinds of maltreatment during childhood led to an extensive range of risk behaviors within
the three identified domains. Women experiencing sexual abuse plus other maltreatment types had the poorest outcomes in all
three domains. These findings illustrate that it may no longer be appropriate to assume that all types of maltreatment are
equivalent in their potential contribution to negative developmental sequelae. 相似文献