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21.
Fundamentalist affiliation and religious beliefs are generally related to more punitive attitudes toward criminals. Fundamentalists
also tend to attribute criminality to individual dispositional factors, and in turn, such factors are related to punitiveness.
Recently, it has also been found that compassionate dimensions of religion are related to treatment-oriented policies. It
is still not clear which dimensions of religion are related to punitive or treatment ideology and what effects religious variables
may have when tested against secular concerns about crime and crime attributions. In the present research, we test three models
of punitiveness and one model of rehabilitation with demographic, secular, religious, and attributional factors. We found
that those for whom religion is salient in their daily lives tend to believe that the death penalty should be reserved for
older offenders and that those who believe in a punitive God tend to support harsher punishments. 相似文献
22.
Mike Waghorne 《Development in Practice》1999,9(5):557-568
This paper looks at the nature and extent of privatisation around the world, including an analysis of the bodies or interests which promote this 'panacea' policy. It identifies a number of responses which public sector trade unions have made to such policies, especially where these have been ideologically driven. It offers some examples of ways in which trade unions have developed their own models/proposals for modernisation of public services and shows how these have been both challenges and benefits to unions and service recipients. It looks at how agencies such as the World Bank have responded to these initiatives. 相似文献
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Mike Brogden 《Liverpool Law Review》1995,17(1):3-27
Conclusion These proposals represent part of a much larger agenda for policing reform. Critically, it is now time in Northern Ireland,
as it was in South Africa, for all sides to start “thinking the unthinkable” if the peace process is to gain momentum. In
that process of creating an agenda, opinions will be sought from many quarters. South Africa, in certain limited ways, provides
a model of how irreconcilable views about the nature of policing a divided society, can be given serious considerations, of
a more peaceful society is to be created. But there is one other crucial lesson from South Africa. Police reform cannot be
imposed from above, or according to the dictates of outside experts. It must be based on serious, continuing consultation
between all parties — local communities, political parties, the central state, and the police service itself. The South African
example demonstrates that existing hostile interests do not have to learn to love one another in making progress in police
reform. There is a common interest which surmounts political opposition — local people need the security which an effective,
non-partisan police service can provide. minuscule levels. 相似文献
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This paper considers the role that merger simulation modelsshould play in European merger control. The use of these models,as off-the-shelf instruments to assess the economic effectsof mergers, has become increasingly widespread in recent years.However, contrary to some claims, merger simulation models donot allow investigators to avoid much of the competitive effectsanalysis relating to the relevant economic market, nor do theynecessarily provide more precision to merger control. Withoutunderstanding the limitations of such models and the circumstancesunder which they can and should be usefully applied, they maynot just be useless, but dangerous in the sense of providingpossibly spurious results with spurious claimed accuracy. Thispaper argues that any merger simulation models used should be"bespoke" models, rather than off-the-shelf models, but cautionsthat even bespoke models will frequently not be as useful asis often claimed. This is not to deny that there are occasionswhen well-constructed bespoke models are genuinely useful anddo offer genuine improvements in merger control. 相似文献