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As the result of the communist terror in Poland, during years 1944–1956 more than 50,000 people died. Their bodies were buried secretly, and most places are still unknown. The research presents the results of identification of people buried in one of many mass graves, which were found at the cemetery Pow?zki Military in Warsaw, Poland. Exhumation revealed the remains of eight people, among which seven were identified genetically. Well‐preserved molars were used for the study. Reference material was collected from the closest living relatives. In one case, an exhumation of victim's parents had to be performed. DNA from swabs was extracted with a PrepFiler® BTA Forensic DNA Extraction Kit and organic method. Autosomal, Y‐STR amplification, and mtDNA sequencing were performed. The biostatistical calculations resulted in LR values from 1608 to 928 × 1018. So far, remains of more than 50 victims were identified.  相似文献   
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This article examines the difficulties of finding local solutions to the problem of contentious events in contemporary Northern Ireland. In so doing, it offers a sociological perspective on fundamental divisions in Northern Ireland: between classes and between communities. It shows how its chosen case study—parades and associated protests in north Belfast—exemplifies the most fundamental problem that endures in post-Agreement Northern Ireland, namely that political authority is not derived from a common civic culture (as is the norm in Western liberal democracy) but rather that legitimacy is still founded on the basis of the culture of either one or the other community. Haugaard's reflections on authority and legitimacy are used to explore Northern Ireland's atypical experience of political conflict vis-à-vis the Western liberal democratic model. The Bourdieusian concepts of field illusio and doxa help to explain why it is that parading remains such an important political and symbolic touchstone in this society.  相似文献   
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Using the example of the right to housing, this article addresses the ways in which the practice of social citizenship, including popular claims and expectations and actual state provisions, has changed in post-Soviet Armenia. It examines the claims of Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan to state-provided permanent housing, which they consider the key condition for becoming ‘citizens’ and ‘locals’ in Armenia, and the Armenian state's solutions to the housing issue following the collapse of the Soviet Union. It demonstrates how the Soviet-era housing policy has left its mark on current notions and practices of social citizenship in Armenia. Even though social rights in general have decreased, notions of social citizenship are still present not only in the expectations and claims of needy refugees and citizens without housing but also in the state's acknowledgement of responsibility for its citizens' welfare (though currently providing only for those in extreme need), and in the equalising effect, the state housing programme has had for the majority of refugees who participated in it.  相似文献   
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A comparative analysis of firearm homicides committed in Belgrade was performed including four representative years: 1987 (before the civil war in the Former Yugoslavia), 1991 (beginning of the war), 1997 (end of the war), and 2007 (period of social stabilization). The increase in the number of homicides was established in 1991 and 1997 compared with 1987, with the decrease in 2007, but with the continuous increase in the percentage of firearm homicides in the total number of homicides, from 12% in 1987 up to 56% in 2007. The significant increase in firearm homicides during the last decade of the 20th century can be explained by the social disturbances and the high availability of firearms, while their reduction in 2007 could be linked to the gradual stabilization of social circumstances. The results showed that the actual social, political, and economical changes strongly influenced medicolegal characteristics of homicides and particularly firearm homicides.  相似文献   
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Although research indicates that empathy inhibits youth aggression, little is known about the prospective associations between different components of empathy and aggression, as well as whether family and school factors moderate the aforementioned associations in early adolescents. Based on prior research, the current study examined whether empathic concern and perspective taking would contribute to subsequent overt and relational aggression over a 1-year period in middle school. Guided by the social development model, we also examined if positive family relations and school connectedness would differentially moderate the associations between both components of empathy and aggression. Participants were 481 10- to 14-year old students (54 % female; 78 % European American) who completed the first wave of a survey in 6th and 7th grades. Hierarchical regression analyses indicated that only for girls did lower levels of empathic concern, not perspective taking, contribute to increases in subsequent overt, not relational, aggression. Although neither positive family relations nor school connectedness played protective roles for girls, results indicated that boys’ reports of positive family relations buffered the negative impact of low empathic concern on both forms of aggression 1 year later. Over and above the two components of empathy, school connectedness also contributed to a decline in boys’ subsequent overt aggression. Recommendations are made to foster family and school relationships among boys, as well as to more heavily consider the role of emotion processes in the study and prevention of early adolescents’ aggression.  相似文献   
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Observers of post‐Communist politics recognize that civil service reform, an important part of the institutional transformation in Eastern Europe, was initiated at a very uneven pace. Hungary and Poland adopted changes quickly after the fall of Communism, while Romania and Slovakia waited longer. How can one explain the timing of civil service reform after 1989? Previous research blames a number of factors but inconsistencies between predictions and actual outcomes warrant a more thorough investigation. What has been overlooked, we argue, are the policies of transitional justice that altered the costs and benefits for elites to keep the institutional status quo. The empirical analysis reveals that when in place, lustration by vetting of public officials reduced the likelihood of passing a civil service reform act. This effect is conditioned by the legislative strength of ex‐Communist parties, as demonstrated by results from logistic regression tests on data from 11 countries.  相似文献   
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