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311.
Aníbal Pérez‐Liñán 《拉美政治与社会》2014,56(1):34-54
This article analyzes the conditions that facilitate the ousting of Latin American presidents and the mechanisms that prevent their downfall. Drawing lessons from the impeachment of Paraguayan president Fernando Lugo, it extends previous arguments about the “legislative shield” to show that the same forces that sometimes conspire to terminate an administration at other times work to resist its demise. The argument underscores the interaction between legislators and social movements, two prominent actors in the literature on presidential instability. The article presents a two‐level theory to identify possible configurations of mass and legislative alignments, and tests some implications of the theory with data for 116 Latin American presidents over 28 years. Multiple comparison tests based on random effects logistic models show that popular protests can be neutralized by strong support in Congress, and hint at the possibility that legislative threats can be neutralized by loyal demonstrators in the streets. 相似文献
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Luís Pereira Coutinho 《Ratio juris》2015,28(3):326-329
David Luban identifies a tension between Arendt's conception of ethnic identification in a context of persecution and her conception of humanity. That tension pertains to the reality—or realities—that Arendt addresses: the moral reality of her Bildung that appears throughout her work, and is centered on the “dignity of man,” on the one hand, and the divisive, “political” reality that she was forced to face when “attacked as a Jew,” on the other. By implicitly accepting that in a context of persecution one cannot escape the framing relevance of the “political” —an idea that is also present in her imaginary condemnation speech of Eichmann—Arendt betrays a fundamental theme of her work: “forgiveness” and the inherent possibility of a “new beginning.” 相似文献
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Angélica Durán‐Martínez 《拉美政治与社会》2015,57(3):122-146
Over the past decade, drug consumption has increased in Colombia and Mexico, countries traditionally concerned with drug production and trafficking. Governments and observers have associated this growth with spikes in violence. Drawing on drug consumption surveys and fieldwork in four cities, this study argues that contrary to this perception, there is no automatic connection between domestic drug markets and violence. Violence depends on whether large drug‐trafficking organizations (DTOs) control low‐level street dealers and on whether those DTOs have a market monopoly at the local level. When dealers are independent, violence might be sporadic, but when DTOs control dealers, violence can explode (given competition between DTOs) or implode (if one organization holds a monopoly). Control over dealers provides DTOs not only income but also informants and armed muscle. This article also shows that domestic drug markets are not new, and have grown incrementally in the past two decades. 相似文献
318.
A. Jiménez-Madrid S. Gómez G. Gémar C. Martínez 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2018,18(5):723-742
This paper describes the gross domestic product and hydrological environment service method for assessing the socio-economic consequences of implementing necessary measures for safeguarding the quality of groundwater for human consumption and eliminating the risk of pollution. This method assesses the positive and negative impacts of designations of protected areas. Economic assets and social goods are the two integrated variables used in analysing the method. The first includes economic impacts on the local gross domestic product of defining protected areas, and the second considers the benefits of this designation in the conservation of water resources, assigning a monetary value to the preserved resources. In addition, tools have been incorporated, such as payment for hydrological services and generation of permissible activities, which reduce negative social impacts through positive economic impacts. These tools can only be used when compliance with conservation requirements for protected areas is demonstrated. The conclusions of this study include an application of the proposed methodology and provide essential and specific assessments that show that this methodology fulfils the requirements of the European Water Framework Directive requirements and that it is an effective tool in the implementation and development of strategies for hydrological planning processes. 相似文献
319.
Manuel Ramírez Chicharro 《Women's history review》2018,27(5):754-777
During the first third of the twentieth century, several women joined associations to promote legal reforms. Between 1917 and 1934, the Cuban Parliament passed laws regarding women’s legal status, therefore challenging the traditional relations between state, Church and family inherited from the colonial period. Although the Constitution of 1940 incorporated these measures, Cuban women barely took part in state institutions, but their increasing presence in public affairs marked a turning point in their social status. A few women were appointed as Cuban representatives to international organizations, and political parties set up female auxiliaries. Moreover, several women’s associations worked for peace, demanded improvements in the healthcare system, took action towards enhancing education in rural areas and pushed for effective reform of the Civic Code in order to provide equal rights for men and women. African-Cuban women’s participation in these organizations was limited due to discrimination and they in turn set up their own organizations. 相似文献
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