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John W. Fantuzzo Rachel A. Fusco Wanda K. Mohr Marlo A. Perry 《Journal of family violence》2007,22(6):331-340
The purpose of the present study was twofold: (1) to test whether law enforcement officers could reliably use a standard protocol
to collect data on domestic violence events (DVEs) across a large municipality, and (2) to use these data to examine prevalence
and nature of the violence and children’s presence. Reliability checks indicated that data were collected reliably on over
5,000 substantiated DVEs. Findings showed that 48% of all assaults in the municipality were DVEs. Victims were predominantly
females in their early thirties, and injuries were predominantly minor and resulted from body contact. Children were present
in nearly 50% of the DVEs. They were disproportionately present in domestic violence households compared to all other households
in the municipality. Domestic violence households with children were more likely to have mothers and fathers involved in the
violence and were disproportionately minority households headed by single females in relatively poor neighborhoods. 相似文献
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Zachary T. Mohr 《Public administration review》2019,79(2):286-289
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Zachary Mohr JoEllen V. Pope Martha E. Kropf Mary Jo Shepherd 《American journal of political science》2019,63(2):427-438
Recently, election administration has been an important part of the national and global conversation about the results of elections. The important issue of election administration spending has not been examined extensively, and the influence of politics on election administration spending levels has not been examined in the United States. While theories of voter turnout and policy preference suggest that politics should influence election administration spending levels in the counties that administer elections, to our knowledge, there has been no evidence produced to support a partisan election administration expenditure effect. This research finds that Republican county commissions in North Carolina spend significantly less on election administration once the county electorate is a sufficient Republican majority. The article presents a novel model and method for estimating election administration spending and calls for additional research to examine the outcomes of these significant differences in spending on election administration. 相似文献
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Thomas Mohr 《The Journal of legal history》2013,34(1):61-64
This is the second of two articles examining the relationship between British Imperial statutes and Irish law in the early years of the self-governing Irish state. The present article examines the assertion that the Imperial parliament at Westminster enjoyed the right to legislate for the self-governing Irish state in the 1920s and 1930s. Successive governments in the Irish Free State denied the validity of this legislative power. This article examines a number of Imperial statutes passed between 1922 and 1931 that purported to apply to the Irish Free State. These Imperial statutes were seen as serious threats to Irish legislative sovereignty and have never been recognised by the Irish courts as being part of Irish law. This article examines how the controversial power to pass Imperial statutes for the Irish Free State provoked a serious Anglo–Irish dispute at a delicate stage in bringing the Irish Constitution of 1922 into force. It attempts to illustrate the profound consequences of this dispute for the 1922 Constitution. The article also examines the complex relationship between Irish law and the Statute of Westminster as an Imperial statute. The controversies over Imperial statutes and Irish legislative sovereignty are examined in the context of earlier periods of Irish history and also in the context of recent developments in twenty-first-century Ireland. This permits a consideration of wider questions as to how concepts of national identity influence the acceptance or rejection of particular sources of law. 相似文献
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