首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   192篇
  免费   15篇
各国政治   7篇
工人农民   13篇
世界政治   14篇
外交国际关系   13篇
法律   110篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   49篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   7篇
  2018年   13篇
  2017年   8篇
  2016年   12篇
  2015年   5篇
  2014年   7篇
  2013年   29篇
  2012年   3篇
  2011年   8篇
  2010年   7篇
  2009年   3篇
  2008年   8篇
  2007年   7篇
  2006年   3篇
  2005年   7篇
  2004年   6篇
  2003年   6篇
  2002年   6篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   6篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   1篇
  1997年   7篇
  1996年   1篇
  1994年   4篇
  1993年   5篇
  1992年   4篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   1篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   5篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   2篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   1篇
  1979年   2篇
  1976年   3篇
  1974年   1篇
  1969年   1篇
排序方式: 共有207条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
161.
This article examines the issue of corporate harm and violence using evidence from medical literature and related studies that focus on the health consequences associated with toxic waste, pesticide and dioxin exposure. These studies provide a useful alternative measure of the harms produced by corporate crimes of violence that are unmeasured in more traditional sources of data. Further, the kinds of health consequences associated with modern industrial production of toxic waste products can be thought of as “criminal” in the broadest sense since alternative, nontoxic methods of production are often available. Examples of these alternative methods of production are provided, along with a discussion of the impact current practices have on minority health. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
162.
163.
Debates have grown in recent years concerning the realistic utility and application of international human rights law to a local context. Since 2000, the United Nations Security Council has issued eight Women, Peace, and Security resolutions geared toward promoting gender equality measures in conflict prevention during conflict and post-conflict settings. The first of these resolutions, United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, has been adopted by a number of UN Member States through National Action Plans (NAPs), which provide a framework and roadmap for integrating gender equality measures at the domestic level. Although NAPs were once considered promising, they have largely been unsuccessful.

By examining the implementation challenges facing other gender equality measures and localization programs that seek more effective implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security Resolutions, the following argues that a bottom-up approach rather than a top-down approach must be considered more seriously by international actors supporting implementation and integration of international human rights law, not only for the obvious reason that it emboldens local agency in the adoption process, but also because it is likely to produce outcomes that are meaningful and sustainable for the communities most affected by these provisions.

As such, continued emphasis on change that emanates from the top down in a given country often ignores the reality that gender equality measures in international human rights law are often perceived by governments and civil society actors as a serious disruption to domestic gender norms. Sole reliance on state institutions to deliver these commitments is flawed because it fails to recognize the necessary dialog and contestation among various stakeholders concerning the role of external norms in a local context.  相似文献   

164.
165.
166.
The present study expands upon earlier work examining advertising as it relates to the construction of safety-related images in the automobile industry. Comparisons are made between automaker portrayal of vehicle safety in magazine advertising and their real-world safety-related performances. Such an analysis enables suggestions regarding, whether or not, the extent to which particular automakers demonstrate a misleading concern for safety and potentially produce false advertisements that violate the standards of law. In this sense, misleading claims related to automobile safety could be considered corporate deviance, particularly in relation to false advertising practices. This paper examines safety and vehicle marketing, a noted gap in recent literature, by looking at three magazine publications over the course of five?years and comparing the marketing strategies and assessing the extent to which automaker crash test evaluations correspond with their socially constructed, safety-based image. Our findings suggest that automakers are largely accurate in their advertising practices with regard to promoting and supporting safety claims.  相似文献   
167.
Results are reported from a study of shelters for abused women in Ontario, Canada, suggesting that what clients, managers, and frontline workers value most in shelter services is based on a care perspective in which ongoing relational support is seen as essential to effective service delivery. Presently, government-required metrics used to assess shelter services not only reflect a narrow, justice perspective where “fairness” is defined as equal access to publicly supported services, but reveal a New Public Management emphasis on efficiency in which the focus is more on the “what” than the “how” of practice. Findings are discussed in terms of their implications for the design of accountability systems for evaluating government-contracted social services.  相似文献   
168.
The process of budgeting for the federal government has broken down, leading to annual gridlock, misleading budget accords, and ever larger national deficits. This process failure (as evidenced by the ineffectiveness of Gramm-Rudman-Hollings legislation, “tricky” government accounting practices, and suspicion surrounding the 1990 Budget Summit agreement) has its roots in the very safeguards created by Founding Father James Madison. A “Madisonian Nightmare” of partisan politics and powerful, stable interest groups now makes achieving responsible federal budgets nearly impossible.  相似文献   
169.
This article argues that Russia has pursued a policy of inclusive multipolarity towards European security after Primakov's appointment as Foreign Minister in 1996. This policy focused on three dimensions to constrain NATO and ensure a Russian voice in Europe. First, ties with NATO; second, the pursuit of OSCE reform and a European ‘Security Charter'; third, the primacy of the UN Security Council in international affairs. NATO actions in the Kosovo crisis deeply undermined all dimensions of this policy. However, inclusive multipolarity was not discarded by the Russian leadership. The tortuous path of Russian accommodation after May 1999 highlighted Russian attempts to reinstate this policy and restore a Russian voice in European security affairs — with limited success. This article examines the evolution of Russian shifts in this crisis until Vladimir Putin's appointment as Prime Minister in August 1999.  相似文献   
170.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号