GC–MS analysis of eight aminoindanes using three derivatization reagents

Aminoindanes are a class of novel psychoactive substances (NPSs) that have become more prevalent over the past decade. GC–MS is often utilized for identifying seized drugs and is well regarded for its ability to separate mixtures. However, certain aminoindanes have similar mass spectral data and require specific gas chromatographic stationary phases for separation. Derivatization is an alternative method that can be applied to GC–MS to enhance chromatographic results, providing more selective analysis in seized-drug identification. This study investigates derivatization techniques to provide options for forensic science laboratories in accurately identifying aminoindanes. Three derivatization reagents, N-methyl-bis(trifluoroacetamide) (MBTFA), heptafluorobutyric anhydride (HFBA), and ethyl chloroformate (ECF) were evaluated for the analysis of eight aminoindanes by GC–MS using two common gas chromatographic stationary phases, Rxi®-5Sil MS and Rxi®-1Sil MS. All three derivatization methods successfully isolated eight aminoindanes, including the isomers 4,5-methylenedioxy-2-aminoindane (4,5-MDAI), and 5,6-methylenedioxy-2-aminoindane (5,6-MDAI) that could not be differentiated prior to derivatization. Reduced peak tailing and increased abundance were observed after derivatization for all the compounds, and mass spectra of the derivatives contained individualizing fragment ions that allowed for further characterization of the aminoindanes. This excluded 4,5-MDAI and 5,6-MDAI as they shared the same characteristic ions and were only distinguishable by their retention times. All three derivatization techniques used in this study allow for successful characterization of the aminoindanes and give forensic science laboratories flexibility in their analysis approach when they encounter these compounds.     

Prison Suicides in South Australia: 1996–2010

Forty‐eight deaths occurring in prisons in South Australia were identified between January 1996 and December 2010, including 25 cases of suicide (mean age = 37 years; median age = 34 years; age range = 24–70 years). Most suicides were due to hanging (23/25; 92.0%) with victims using bedding, belts, or shoelaces attached to cell shelves, air vents, doors, or other accessible projections. There were no suicides attributed to drug overdose or sharp force injury. Over a third of all suicides (39.1%) occurred during the first month of confinement, with 26.1% of cases occurring within the first week. There was one suicide reported after 2 years of imprisonment. Given that suicide in state prisons currently occurs at a rate approximately eight times that of the general South Australian community, it appears that the subset of incarcerated individuals represents a group in need of effective preventive strategies to enable more appropriate provisions of existing prisoner resources.     

Access to credit for non‐formal micro‐enterprises in Botswana

The literature on micro‐enterprises identifies a lack of capital as a primary constraint to enterprise development. Potentially, Botswana could be different as the commercial banking system has excess liquidity and the government has established relevant lending institutions and several financial assistance programmes. On the basis of a 1992 survey of 1,140 micro‐enterprises engaged in non‐formal activities in seven urban centres and villages in Botswana this study finds the situation in Botswana to be similar to the conclusions reported in the literature for other countries. There is a need for institutional changes which channel loanable funds to micro‐enterprises in a manner that addresses their respective capital constraints and encourages the entrepreneurs to become responsible savers and borrowers. The article draws on the literature and on the experience of several successful micro‐enterprise loan schemes to outline the essential features of needed programme delivery changes.     

The tying of aid and the problem of “local costs”

Son preference has persisted in the face of sweeping economic and social changes in the countries studied here. We attribute this persistence to their similar family systems, which generate strong disincentives to raise daughters – whether or not their marriages require dowries – while valuing adult women's contributions to the household. Urbanisation, female education and employment can only slowly change these incentives without more direct efforts by the state and civil society to increase the flexibility of the kinship system such that daughters and sons can be perceived as being more equally valuable. Much can be done to accelerate this process through social movements, legislation and the mass media.     

Reassessing the Role of Civil Society Organizations in the Transition to Democracy in Spain

Spain's democratization process has mainly been described as a settlement between political elites in which civil society organizations played little part. Yet the literature on Eastern European democratization sets great store by the role of civil society, both for transition and consolidation. Does this different treatment reflect the approach adopted by analysts or the actual contrasting presence of civil society organizations in the relevant periods? The question prompts this re-examination of the role of civil society organizations in the Spanish transition. It finds that the answer depends in part on definitions of civil society, but mainly on the approach taken by authors in presenting their accounts. It finds that the elite settlement perspective silences or removes agency from the Spanish civil society organizations active in the transition.

An alternative view is developed through an in-depth review of the events following the death of the dictator General Franco in 1975 and a textual analysis of Spain's actual definitive settlement, the 1978 Constitution. The research demonstrates that civil society organizations were responsible for disrupting the dictatorship's intention to maintain an authoritarian regime, leaving it no option but to negotiate with civil society organizations such as political parties and trade unions, which were pursuing their own strategic goals towards co-construction of a socially advanced democracy. The article's approach bridges the gulf between top-down and bottom-up accounts of political change in Spain at the end of the Franco regime.     

Justifying violence: legitimacy,ideology and public support for police use of force

Under what conditions do people support police use of force? In this paper we assess some of the empirical links between police legitimacy, political ideology (right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation), and support for ‘reasonable’ use of force (e.g. an officer striking a citizen in self-defence) and ‘excessive’ use of force (e.g. an officer using violence to arrest an unarmed person who is not offering violent resistance). Analysing data from an online survey with US participants (n?=?186) we find that legitimacy is a positive predictor of reasonable but not excessive police use of force, and that political ideology predicts support for excessive but not reasonable use of force. We conclude with the idea that legitimacy places normative constraints around police power. On the one hand, legitimacy is associated with increased support for the use of force, but only when violence is bounded within certain acceptable limits. On the other hand, excessive use of force seems to require an extra-legal justification that is – at least in our analysis – partly ideological. Our findings open up a new direction of research in what is currently a rather sparse psychological literature on the ability of legitimacy to ‘tame’ coercive power.