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Carolyn Moore 《German politics》2013,22(2):192-205
The establishment of representative offices in Brussels marked the start a qualitative new step in the engagement of the German Länder in European Union (EU) policy. Despite a contested birth, more than 20 years' operation in Brussels have seen these offices become full elements of the sponsoring Länder administrations. This article argues that in both functional and operational terms, the Brussels Länder offices have developed over time to approximate the role played by their federal level counterparts, the Länder representations in Berlin. Enhanced investment by the Länder in their EU presence underscores the increasing relevance of EU issues for the exercise of their domestic policy responsibilities. However, the Länder offices in Brussels remain disputed entities, as federal and Länder government views of their mission and appropriate engagement differ sharply. Thus, while direct engagement in Brussels has become the norm for the Länder administrations, tensions over access to the EU sphere continue to mark Bund-Länder relations in Brussels – more that ten years after a legal solution was established. The article concludes by considering the broader implications of this situation. 相似文献
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The paper compares cruel and unusual punishment in two ancient empires, Imperial Rome and Dynastic China, through an exploration their imperial legal codes and, to a lesser degree, through the examination of selected exemplary cases. The paper argues that both empires utilized extraordinary punishments in cases where conduct threatened social order or major cultural values. However, while the Romans generally extended these punishments to include cruel mass spectacles, the Chinese employed unusual public punishments in a more instrumental manner primarily to ward off the threat of disorder and the thirst for cruel spectacle for its own sake was absent. 相似文献
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This study assessed the prevalence and correlates of intimate partner violence (IPV) among a sample of unionized construction
industry workers, and tested the reliability of new measures of IPV normative beliefs. Study participants (n=100) voluntarily completed confidential and anonymous self-administered questionnaires that measured occupational factors,
hazardous drinking, and normative beliefs. Measurement of past-year IPV was based on the Conflict Tactics Scale, Form R. Measures
of IPV normative beliefs showed good reliability (Cronbach’s α 0.94–0.95). Past-year IPV prevalence was 26%. Logistic regression models were developed to assess the contribution of each
factor to risk of past-year IPV perpetration. Perceived workplace racial/ethnic discrimination, job strain, interpersonal
workplace conflict, normative beliefs, and hazardous drinking were positively associated with elevated IPV risk.Construction
industry workers may have higher rates of IPV compared to general population samples that represent various occupations and
social classes. Occupational factors appear to be significant correlates of IPV among these workers. 相似文献
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Abstract. This paper argues that the federal government should allow provincial governments to levy whatever tax rates they wish, to be applied to the taxbase of the federal personal income tax, and should agree to administer provincial tax credits and surcharges, adopted for the purpose of altering the incidence of provincial taxes. The federal government also should forego attempts to prevent all provincial tax inducements to industrial location, and seek agreement with the provinces OR a list of proscribed measures. Further, the federal government would be ill-advised to attempt to reassert direction over provincial medicare, hospital insurance and post-secondary education programs. The funding arrangements agreed to in 1977 should be continued until the broader issue of the division of functions between the two orders of government is clarified. The paper also argues that a new rationale for equalization payments and a new basis for their calculation should be adopted. The amount of a payment to a province should be determined solely by its real income per capita relative to that of the other provinces. Sommaire: L'auteur de cet exposé présente plusieurs suggestions. Ainsi, le gouvernement fédéral devrait autoriser les gouvernements provinciaux à fixer leurs taux d'impôt comme bon leur semble, taux qui seraient appliqués à l'assiette de l'impôt fédéral sur le revenu personnel, et qu'il devrait accepter d'administrer les surtaxes et créedits d'impôt provinciaux, adoptés dans le but de modifier l'incidence de ces impôts. Le gouvernement fédéral devrait aussi abandonner toute tentative de prohibition des encouragements fiscaux provinciaux destinés à stimuler l'implantation industrielle. Finalement, il devrait chercher à s'entendre avec les provinces sur une liste de mesures d'interdiction. De plus, le gouvernement fédéral serait ma1 venu d'essayer de réorienter l'assurance-maladie provinciale, l'assurance-hospitalisation et les programmes d'éducation post-secondaire. Les dispositions de financement prises en 1977 devraient rester en place jusqu’à ce que la question fondamentale de la division des fonctions entre les deux paliers de gouvernement soit éclaircie. L'auteur affirme également qu'il est nécessaire d'adopter une nouvelle base conceptuelle en ce qui concerne les paiements de péréquation et leur calcul. A son avis, le montant destiné a une province devrait être déterminé uniquement sur la base du revenu individuel réel, par rapport à celui des autres provinces. 相似文献
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