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排序方式: 共有879条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
871.
Responding to Poverty: The Politics of Cash and Care. By Saul Becker. London, 1997. Pp.223. £12.99 pb.

Equal Opportunities and Social Policy. By Barbara Bagilhole. Longman, 1997. Pp.221. £14.99.

Policies for a Just Society. By David Donnison. Macmillan, 1998. pp.218. £40.00 hb; £12.50 pb.

Partnership against Poverty and Exclusion? By Mike Geddes. The Policy Press, 1997. Pp.136. £12.95 pb.

Youth, the ‘Underclass’ and Social Exclusion. By Robert MacDonald. Routledge, 1997. Pp.228. £45.00 hb; £13.99 pb.

Affirming the Comprehensive Ideal. By Richard Pring and Geoffrey Walford. Falmer, 1997. Pp.209. £42.00 hb; £14.95 pb.

Punishment in the Community: The Future of Criminal Justice. By Anne Worrall. Longman, 1997. Pp.170. £12.99 pb.  相似文献   
872.
Local authority museums have experienced a rapidly changing competitive environment. Shifts in cultural policy at national and local level have led to more emphasis on plural funding, customer orientation and management for efficiency and effectiveness. This paper shows how knowledge of visitor demand can be of value in facing this challenge. The estimated demand equation is shown to yield useful information and insights on some key management issues, most notably the relationship between pricing policy and the achievement of objectives relating to visitor numbers and to revenue.  相似文献   
873.
Few studies have adequately explored the characteristics of male and female mentally disordered firesetters and compared these to those of non-firesetting mentally disordered offenders. Furthermore, there is a paucity of research examining the characteristics which can predict repeat firesetting within this population. The current study aimed to examine similarities and differences in the characteristics of (1) male and female mentally disordered firesetters, (2) male and female mentally disordered firesetters compared to non-firesetting offenders, and (3) one-time and repeat firesetters. Furthermore, the ability of these characteristics to predict offence status (i.e. firesetter or non-firesetter) and repeat firesetting was explored. Information was collected from patient hospital records for 77 (43 firesetters, 34 non-firesetters) mentally disordered offenders; including sociodemographic, family and personal background, psychiatric, and offence history factors. The findings suggest that mentally disordered firesetters are similar to their non-firesetting counterparts on key characteristics; however, firesetters are more likely to have an expressed interest in fire/explosives and a diagnosis of a schizophrenic disorder and female firesetters are more likely to have a higher number of firesetting incidents than males. Furthermore, findings suggest that fire interest is the largest predictor of repeat firesetting. Clinical implications in terms of treatment and risk assessment are discussed.  相似文献   
874.
875.
Sydney's Medically Supervised Injecting Centre delivers the significant benefits of harm reduction, but has been controversial regards the law. Its contested history is examined here through the lens of legal geography. Narrative analysis reveals that the arguments for and against the centre's establishment referenced matters ranging from international treaties through to municipal governance. These arguments and their outcome were variously shaped by the different spaces and scales of jurisdiction but not simply in a zero sum game of law played out through the hierarchically ordered nesting of container-like territories. The implications for legal geography and for public health are discussed.  相似文献   
876.
Similar to a number of other right-wing populist parties in Europe, Great Britain's United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) has experienced increased public support in recent years. Using aggregate data from monthly national surveys conducted between April 2004 and April 2014, time series analyses demonstrate that the dynamics of UKIP support were influenced by a combination of spatial and valence issues. A spatial issue, Euroscepticism, was fundamental, with UKIP support moving in dynamic equilibrium with changing public attitudes towards EU membership. In addition, widespread anti-immigration sentiment and dissatisfaction with the performance of the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government combined with the “oxygen of publicity” to propel UKIP's surge. The political context after the 2010 general election helped as well by enabling UKIP to benefit from valence considerations. Many voters continued to doubt the competence of the major opposition party, Labour, while the Liberal Democrats were part of the government and, hence, unavailable as a protest vehicle. Since many of the forces driving UKIP support are beyond its control, the party's prospects are highly uncertain.  相似文献   
877.
There has been a great deal of concern recently about validity and reliability in forensic science. This paper reviews for a broad target audience metrics of validity and reliability (accuracy and precision) which have been applied in forensic voice comparison and which are potentially applicable in other branches of forensic science. The metric of validity is the log likelihood-ratio cost (Cllr), and the metric of reliability is an empirical estimate of credible intervals. A revised procedure for the calculation of credible intervals is introduced.  相似文献   
878.
The claim that the 2008 presidential election was a transformative one is fast becoming part of the conventional wisdom of American politics. Despite the election’s undoubted significance, this paper argues that factors affecting voting decisions were strikingly similar to those operating in many previous presidential elections. Using data from the CCAP six-wave national election survey, we demonstrate that a valence politics model provides a powerful, parsimonious explanation of the ballot decisions Americans made in 2008. As is typical in presidential elections, candidate images had major effects on electoral choice. Controlling for several other relevant factors, racial attitudes were strongly associated with how voters reacted to the candidates. Other models of electoral choice, such as a Downsian issue-proximity model, are also relevant, but their explanatory power is considerably less than that provided by the valence politics model.  相似文献   
879.
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