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991.
Raquel Platero 《Feminist Legal Studies》2007,15(3):329-340
On 30 June 2005, the Spanish Parliament approved Law 13/2005, which amends the Civil Code to permit same-sex marriage. This
formal equality measure put Spain in the spotlight of the international media. It is the culmination of a series of developments
spanning from the last years of the Franco regime (which ended in 1975), through the enactment of anti-discrimination measures
in 1995, to the recent fight for kinship recognition. It also follows a recent shift, from 1998 to 2005, towards the enactment
of same-sex partnership laws at regional level, the approval of same-sex marriage and finally, the approval of a ‹gender identity
law’ (2007). This legislative note assesses the context in which the new law on same-sex marriage has been enacted. I argue
that although same-sex marriage has been represented by many activists and politicians in Spain as a gender neutral contract,
it has the potential for differential impacts on lesbians and gay men, and further research and debates are needed in this
area. 相似文献
992.
993.
Juan Wang 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2007,12(3):219-236
Based upon a county level analysis, this article explores the complex processes of poverty mis-targeting in China and supplements
the pre-existing literature with a bottom-up analysis. It argues that the rational calculations of key county leaders, shaped
by a combination of formal and informal institutions, determine whether a county, irrespective of poverty level, competes
for the title of “state-designated poorest county (SDPC).” This article also demonstrates that the interaction between formal
and informal institutions is dynamic and subject to change. For future relevant research, this article suggests to analyze
the practice of poverty reduction in a disaggregated manner by examining the interplay within and among different levels of
government.
Juan Wang, a Ph.D candidate in political science at Johns Hopkins University, is the author of “Going beyond Township and
Village Enterprises,” Journal of Contemporary China, Issue 14, Volume 42, (February 2005), pp.171–181. The author is particularly grateful to Kellee Tsai for her valuable suggestions
and support throughout this project. I am indebted to William Rowe, Mark Blyth, Wang Sangui and anonymous reviewers for their
insightful comments. The Institute of Global Studies (IGS) of Johns Hopkins University receives my gratitude for its financial
support of this project. 相似文献
994.
Benjamin K. Sovacool 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(2):101-122
The American electric utility industry is entering a moment of transition. Once viewed as a stable and secure consortium of
publicly regulated monopolies that produce and distribute electricity, the industry has weathered market restructuring only
to face the ever-present risk of natural disasters, price fluctuations, terrorist attacks, and blackouts. This paper uses
five criteria—technical feasibility, cost, negative externalities, reliability, and security—to evaluate the broad portfolio
of energy technologies available to American electricity policymakers. Upon close inspection, energy efficiency practices,
renewable energy systems, and small-scale distributed generation technologies appear to offer many advantages over large and
centralized nuclear and fossil fueled generators. Contrary to the mimetic commentary produced by the media, these three approaches
would present policymakers a superior alternative for curbing electricity demand, minimizing the risk of fuel interruptions
and shortages, helping improve the fragile transmission network, and reducing environmental harm 相似文献
995.
Alan S. Zuckerman 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):633-649
The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences,
knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members
of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not
the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical
stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles
of political analysis.
My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to
Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany
and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay. 相似文献
996.
997.
998.
The bigger the better? Evidence of the effect of government size on life satisfaction around the world 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper empirically analyzes whether government size is conducive or detrimental to life satisfaction in a cross-section of 74 countries. We thus provide a test of the longstanding dispute between standard neoclassical economic theory and public choice theory. According to the neoclassical view, governments play unambiguously positive roles for individuals' quality of life, while the theory of public choice has been developed to understand why governments often choose excessive involvement in – and regulation of – the economy, thereby harming their citizens' quality of life. Our results show that life satisfaction decreases with higher government consumption. For low, middle income, and male people, this result is stronger when the government is leftwing, while government consumption appears to be less harmful for women when the government is perceived to be effective. Government capital formation and social spending have no significant impact on life satisfaction. 相似文献
999.
Where does history education fit into transitional justice andhow can it contribute to the goals of transitional justice?The contemporary understanding of transitional justice has broadenedto encompass more than just prosecutions, reparations, preventingimpunity, and building rule of law. Transitional justice goalsnow extend to truth telling, restoring the dignity and preservingthe memory of victims, building peace, creating respect forhuman rights and democracy, and to reconciliation. Tools forachieving these goals now include truth commissions and commemorations.But this list has not until now included how the historicalnarrative of the group(s) involved in conflict must change asa part of transition; and education, while often invoked whenthe topic of never again is raised, has been largelyabsent from the transitional justice discourse. Neither thelarger education system nor the teaching of history both what is taught and how has been considered by theinstitutions transitional justice has aimed to reform. Thisarticle considers why history education matters, what conditionscomplicate its reform and what recommendations can begin tobe offered with regard to the relationship between history educationand transitional justice. 相似文献
1000.
This issue of Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, isdevoted principally to the use of force, a topic that has dominatedacademic debate and preoccupied practitioners. For academics,the question is: what distinguishes police officers and theorganisations in which they operate from others, particularlythose growing legions of private security operatives, un-swornpolice auxiliaries, and sundry officials with law enforcementpowers? The orthodox answer is that the police enjoy a monopolyof legitimate force over their fellow citizens (a viewthat has its origins in the pioneering work of Bittner, 1970).That orthodoxy has increasingly been criticised in the faceof the obvious fact that bouncers, store detectives, securityguards of all kinds, and many others also exercise legitimateforce in ejecting drunken customers from pubs and clubs,apprehending shoplifters, and defending 相似文献