全文获取类型
收费全文 | 5237篇 |
免费 | 140篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 164篇 |
工人农民 | 262篇 |
世界政治 | 246篇 |
外交国际关系 | 149篇 |
法律 | 3757篇 |
中国政治 | 43篇 |
政治理论 | 739篇 |
综合类 | 17篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 34篇 |
2020年 | 53篇 |
2019年 | 54篇 |
2018年 | 160篇 |
2017年 | 107篇 |
2016年 | 169篇 |
2015年 | 89篇 |
2014年 | 84篇 |
2013年 | 301篇 |
2012年 | 211篇 |
2011年 | 199篇 |
2010年 | 90篇 |
2009年 | 113篇 |
2008年 | 120篇 |
2007年 | 99篇 |
2006年 | 121篇 |
2005年 | 474篇 |
2004年 | 199篇 |
2003年 | 118篇 |
2002年 | 102篇 |
2001年 | 198篇 |
2000年 | 135篇 |
1999年 | 116篇 |
1998年 | 39篇 |
1997年 | 48篇 |
1996年 | 37篇 |
1995年 | 50篇 |
1994年 | 44篇 |
1993年 | 54篇 |
1992年 | 101篇 |
1991年 | 106篇 |
1990年 | 104篇 |
1989年 | 101篇 |
1988年 | 109篇 |
1987年 | 103篇 |
1986年 | 125篇 |
1985年 | 126篇 |
1984年 | 97篇 |
1983年 | 93篇 |
1982年 | 40篇 |
1981年 | 37篇 |
1979年 | 43篇 |
1978年 | 42篇 |
1975年 | 43篇 |
1974年 | 67篇 |
1973年 | 37篇 |
1972年 | 41篇 |
1971年 | 47篇 |
1970年 | 41篇 |
1968年 | 43篇 |
排序方式: 共有5377条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
192.
193.
194.
No Need to Watch: How the Effects of Partisan Media Can Spread via Interpersonal Discussions
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《American journal of political science》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
James N. Druckman Matthew S. Levendusky Audrey McLain 《American journal of political science》2018,62(1):99-112
To what extent do partisan media sources shape public opinion? On its face, it would appear that the impact of partisan media is limited, given that it attracts a relatively small audience. We argue, however, that its influence may extend beyond its direct audience via a two‐step communication flow. Specifically, those who watch and are impacted by partisan media outlets talk to and persuade others who did not watch. We present experimental results that demonstrate this process. We therefore show that previous studies may have significantly underestimated the effect of these outlets. We also illustrate that how the two‐step communication flow works is contingent upon the precise composition of the discussion group (e.g., is it consistent of all fellow partisans or a mix of partisans?). We conclude by highlighting what our results imply about the study of media, preference formation, and partisan polarization. 相似文献
195.
Throughout his career as a literary critic, Alfred Kazin wrote often and with sympathy and insight about Theodore Dreiser, one of the most powerful, panoramic, and compassionate novelists in American literary history. Kazin was an intense reader and writer, committed in his books, essays, and reviews to connecting with and describing the personality of each author he examined. His interpretive work on Dreiser illuminates what it means to be a literary critic and teacher. When we read Kazin in the midst of twenty-first century theory, ideology, and professionalism, we realize all the more clearly the goal in his literary criticism that he aimed for, achieved, and represented—and that now is missing from literary education and experience. 相似文献
196.
197.
Cultural Penetration and Punctuated Policy Change: Explaining the Evolution of U.S. Energy Policy
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《政策研究评论》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Punctuated equilibrium theory (PET) suggests that the policy process is characterized by long periods of incremental change and short periods of punctuated change. The impetus for the latter is usually a focusing event that breaks open policy monopolies, allowing for major changes in legislative decision making. While a burgeoning body of literature, a shortcoming in the PET literature is that it has yet to explain why focusing events and subsequent breakdowns in policy monopolies sometimes fail to result in punctuated policy. We integrate theories on cultural change with punctuated equilibrium to explain why focusing events do not always result in the dramatic policy changes that we might expect. Specifically, we use the context of national energy policy and the lexical database, Google Ngram Viewer, to trace punctuating energy‐related events and the occurrence or lack thereof subsequent policy change from 1952 to 2000. 相似文献
198.
Dmitri N. Shalin 《Society》2017,54(3):279-290
This study traces the evolution of a research program that frames the human mind as an embodied social phenomenon. The essay is divided into two parts, the first one focused on historical issues, the second on contemporary developments. The discussion begins with the mind-body problem central to the scholarship in this area and then focuses the changing perspective on consciousness as a symbolically mediated process. Next, the paper surveys the relevant writings of Mead and Vygotsky, tracks the debate about the place of body in interactionist sociology, and connects this debate to current research in neuroscience. The report concludes with reflections on the prospects for embodied sociology and the contribution it can make to the debate about extended mind. 相似文献
199.
We develop front‐door difference‐in‐differences estimators as an extension of front‐door estimators. Under one‐sided noncompliance, an exclusion restriction, and assumptions analogous to parallel trends assumptions, this extension allows identification when the front‐door criterion does not hold. Even if the assumptions are relaxed, we show that the front‐door and front‐door difference‐in‐differences estimators may be combined to form bounds. Finally, we show that under one‐sided noncompliance, these techniques do not require the use of control units. We illustrate these points with an application to a job training study and with an application to Florida's early in‐person voting program. For the job training study, we show that these techniques can recover an experimental benchmark. For the Florida program, we find some evidence that early in‐person voting had small positive effects on turnout in 2008. This provides a counterpoint to recent claims that early voting had a negative effect on turnout in 2008. 相似文献
200.
Neil T. N. Ferguson 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(2):296-322
Quantitative literature discussing violence in civil conflicts tends towards a typical model of engagement between governments and revolutionaries. Whilst recent work has shown the significant impact of multiple anti-government groups, a further feature remains understudied—the role of pro-state militants. This article theorizes a “violence premium” when such groups arise, which leads to all connected groups devoting greater energy to conflict than they would in isolation. Employing duration analysis and data from The Troubles in Northern Ireland, where Republicans act as revolutionary insurgents, Loyalists as pro-state militants, and the British Army as government forces, the violence premium is empirically confirmed. Both Loyalists and Republicans deviate from their underlying strategies to attack more frequently when violence by their rivals increases, with Republicans and the British Army engaging in the same way. An extended analysis, accounting for the status of the victim, shows that the violence premium resulting from interaction between Loyalists and Republicans targeted only the civilian population of Northern Ireland, elucidating the sectarian component of The Troubles. These results show that including all conflict parties and considering how they are linked are important features in studies that aim to determine the net level of violence in civil conflicts. 相似文献