Presidential rhetoric on cybercrime: links to terrorism?

Abstract

Presidents often give speeches about crime issues as a way to convince the public that there are significant problems for which an easy solution can be found. Studies have shown that presidential rhetoric on crime not only influences the public’s perception of the problem, but also the perception of the best solution. More recent research has demonstrated that presidents sometimes draw on the public’s fear of crime as a way to further affect the public’s perception of crime. In other words, presidents link crime with the public’s anxiety about other fearful events as a way to further impact the public’s perception of a problem (and thus further their agenda). This study examines presidential rhetoric on cybercrime to determine if executives link cybercrime with other issues such as national security. The findings provide credibility to both Cavelty’s threat frames approach as well as assertions made regarding the politics of fear.     

Expressions of Culture in American Indian/Alaska Native Tribal Child Welfare Work: A Qualitative Meta-Synthesis

This qualitative meta-synthesis of materials from three national projects that had examined more than 75 American Indian/Alaska Native child welfare programs sought to articulate how culture is expressed within tribal child protective services (CPS)work and to uncover whether there are cultural elements of tribal child welfare practice that are distinct from practice in non-tribal settings. Through the meta-synthesis, a framework emerged outlining a cultural approach to practice that incorporates: (a) a culturally-distinct definition of Native child well-being; (b) tribal values that form a foundation for practice; (c) practice intentions linking child protection with cultural and community health; and (d) two specialized worker skills.     

Regionalist Protest through Shared Rule? Peripherality and the Use of Cantonal Initiatives in Switzerland

In this article, we are interested in the extent to which federalism is able to deal with peripheral protest through shared rule channels. Shared rule as a key dimension of federal states has not thus far received adequate academic attention. Empirically, we analyse the use of all cantonal initiatives in Switzerland over the past 25 years as a particular instrument of shared rule, subsequently focusing on two peripheral regions with successful regionalist parties, Ticino and Geneva. We find that regionalist parties contribute towards radicalizing peripheral demands in search of attention from the centre. This leads to the mainstreaming of peripheral demands by pulling other parties along. We conclude that shared rule properly designed gives even the most peripheral regions a voice in national decisions, but that regionalist parties may also use shared rule instruments to mobilize their electorate at home to fight their non-regionalist competitors.     

Subjective Age in the Transition to Adulthood for Persons with and without Motor Disabilities

This study examined subjective age (how old one feels) and associated variables in 148 emerging adults, ages 20–30 years. Seventy-six participants had a motor disability (cerebral palsy, spina bifida) and 72 had no motor disability. Participants completed questionnaires and were interviewed. There was no significant difference in subjective age between groups. Consistent with previous research, chronological and subjective ages were significantly negatively related in participants without motor disabilities. Chronological and subjective ages were unrelated in the group with motor disabilities but higher psychosocial maturity was related to an older subjective age. Perceptions of how much parents fostered autonomy did not predict subjective age in either group. In both groups, individuals whose parents treated them as younger reported feeling younger. Number of role transitions did not predict subjective age. The results highlight the importance of exploring motor disabilities as a source of diversity in the subjective ages of young people during the transition to adulthood.

Necrotizing fasciitis: manifestations, microbiology and connection with black tar heroin

A 10-year review of records of the King County Medical Examiner's Office found 87 deaths due to necrotizing fasciitis and related necrotizing soft tissue infections. In 64 of these cases there were sufficient details to provide an analysis of the manifestations, microbiology, and source of infection. One half (32) of the cases were due to injection of black tar heroin, the nearly exclusive form of heroin in the Northwest United States. Of those due to black tar injection, 24 were clostridial infections with various species represented, eight of which were Clostridium sordellii. Of the 32 cases not associated with drug injection, streptococcal species predominated, with Streptococcus pyogenes isolated in 14 cases. Only three of 32 cases not associated with injection drug use were clostridial infections. These differences were statistically significant. Staphylococcus aureus was isolated from 14 cases; two were methicillin-resistant strains. Overall, 28 of the 64 cases were polymicrobial infections, 15 due to black tar injection and 13 not associated with drug injection. This study supports the conclusion that necrotizing fasciitis due to black tar heroin injection is predominantly a clostridial disease, and in this way differs significantly from necrotizing fasciitis due to other causes.     

Do Schools Cause Crime in Neighborhoods? Evidence from the Opening of Schools in Philadelphia

Objectives

To assess the impact of schools on crime in neighborhoods.

Methods

We utilize data of charter and public schools in Philadelphia to estimate the effect of school openings on neighborhood crime patterns between 1998 and 2010. We estimate the change in crime in areas surrounding schools before and after their opening compared to areas where schools were always open with Poisson regression models. We also estimate changes in crime in census tracts as schools are added compared to census tracts that never had schools. Finally, we compare estimates from Poisson regression models to those derived from permutation tests where schools are randomly assigned different opening dates.

Results

We find no evidence that school openings increase crime relative to locations where schools were always open or never had schools. The models generally produce null effects, though there is some evidence for a reduction in property crimes for public school openings and a reduction in violent crimes for charter school openings within certain distances. Estimates at the census tract level show that changes in the number of schools are not associated with any changes in crime relative to tracts with no schools.

Conclusions

Contrary to a large theoretical and empirical literature, the results suggest that school locations play a minimal role in neighborhood crime production in Philadelphia. Future research should investigate specific contexts and mechanisms, such as land-use characteristics and travel patterns to schools, which may interact with specific school settings in ways that are related to crime production.