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This paper examines battered women as a systemic problem of social control, involving three structural phases: structure, deconstruction and reconstruction. At the first phase, woman battering occurs in a context of dependency, including economic, social, political, and emotional subordination that maintains the traditional, male-centered family structure. During phase two, or deconstruction, broad societal changes, including the feminist movement, contributes to altered gender definitions and the emergence of a battered women's movement and practice. During this phase feminists served as the chief reform catalyst, introducing protective legislation, educating the public and organizing women's shelters. Phase three, reconstruction, entails the state's direct involvement in the violent relationship in a series of coercive netwidening actions, including arrest of the offender, forcible separation of the couple, and formal sentencing. On the one hand, state intervention substantially reduces the incidence of violence against women in the home. On the other hand, the power of arrest and detention extends state power into new spheres, as the state exploits social problems and weakened social structures in line with its expanding control agenda. Overbureaucratization during this phase also affects feminist practice, as shelters increasingly take on a social provision, sometimes anti-feminist, orientation that further constrains who can be served. The paper raises questions about the extent to which the reconstruction phase, operating in the interests of dominant groups, contributes to the revictimization of battered women.  相似文献   
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This paper reviews four legal policies in abortion from a critical theory of law perspective. Since the Comstock era, abortion policy has undergone radical shifts from criminalization in the last quarter of the nineteenth century to decriminalization in the late 1960s, followed by legalization and medical control over the last decade. Yet, until recently, little scholarly attention has been given to the social and political implications of these various policy shifts (almost all studies focus on the current legal phase only) often in isolation from other social and political realities. In this paper we draw on historical, demographic, participant-observation, interview, and documentary and legal materials to analyze the transformations of legal control structures in abortion. This shows both the creation of abortion law, which is imbedded in structures of sexual domination, and the contradictions in abortion law, which express antagonisms in civil society as well as promote alliances within ruling groups. The abortion case further clarifies the failure of legality to transcend existing gender inequalities, thereby contributing to further erosion of welfare rights for poor women and their children.  相似文献   
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Journal of Youth and Adolescence - The long-term impact of homophobic stigmatization on adolescents with lesbian parents has not been explored. This longitudinal study investigated the effects of...  相似文献   
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"Undisciplined mongrels" are faculty from public administration programs who publish in a wide variety of journals. We expected that undisciplined mongrels would have more successful publishing records than their counterparts—"disciplined purists" who publish exclusively in public administration journals. This expectation is supported through an analysis of journal publications by a panel of 91 junior faculty members. We also expected that the methods that are currently used to rank public administration programs would discard a massive body of publication activity by public administration faculty. This expectation is also soundly supported. Findings indicate that from 1990 through 1997, a scant 18 percent of the articles published by the faculty panel were published in the highly selective set of 11 journals that are currently used to rank public administration programs.  相似文献   
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文章论述了政治理论的三种主要观点:社会选择理论认为政治过程是工具性的,其目标是私人利益的最佳妥协;理性共识理论则表明,政治的目标应该是理性的一致而不是妥协,而且决定性的政治行为是参与公共辩论以达成共识;参与民主理论认为,政治的目标就是转化和教育参与者,政治本身就是目的。  相似文献   
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