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Stature is used for constructing a biological profile that assists with the identification of an individual. So far, little attention has been paid to the fact that stature can be estimated from hand impressions left at scene of crime. The present study based on practical observations adopted a new methodology of measuring hand length from the depressed area between hypothenar and thenar region on the proximal surface of the palm. Stature and bilateral hand impressions were obtained from 503 men of central India. Seventeen dimensions of hand were measured on the impression. Linear regression equations derived showed hand length followed by palm length are best estimates of stature. Testing the practical utility of the suggested method on latent prints of 137 subjects, a statistically insignificant result was obtained when known and estimated stature derived from latent prints was compared. The suggested approach points to a strong possibility of its usage in crime scene investigation, albeit the fact that validation studies in real-life scenarios are performed.  相似文献   
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This essay analyses those statements that mention legal norms in negative terms. Specifically, it analyses those statements that define a legal system by mentioning how legal protection does not work and where legal protection ends, and those statements that identify what rights‐holders do not have to with their legally protected free capacities. This essay argues that these statements address a systemic question. It calls such a dynamic as negative governmentality. The argument proceeds in four steps. It introduces the concept of negative governmentality by arguing that the idea of freedom requires both the positive affirmation of moral agency and the constraining of moral agency (Section 2 ). It then explores how rights constitute freedom by limiting rights or making exceptions to them (Section 3 ). Later, it analyses how rights‐based norms prevent abuse of rights by holders of rights (Section 4 ). Finally, it sees how rights‐based norms constrain the legal guarantor of rights, i.e., a state (Section 5 ). The essay concludes by mentioning the importance of negative governmentality (Section 6 ).  相似文献   
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The legacies of mass violence can, if left unaddressed, fuel future conflicts. Transitional justice seeks to address the legacies of large-scale past abuses. Despite the sensitive nature of transitional justice and recognition that initiatives can adversely influence conflict-affected contexts, there has been limited attempt to extend the application of conflict sensitivity to transitional justice. Conflict sensitivity is an approach and tool to help aid actors to understand the unintended consequences of aid and to act to minimise harm and achieve positive outcomes. Transitional justice initiatives can exacerbate tensions by replicating existing tensions; introducing resources that become a struggle for control; or challenging power and vested interests. This article argues that conflict sensitivity should be applied to transitional justice; and identifies tools and factors that could contribute to conflict sensitive transitional justice. They include promoting: broad-based participation; resonance with local actors; social cohesion; public outreach; collaboration with other sectors; and appropriate sequencing.  相似文献   
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Child laborers are typically subjected to multiple and chronic traumatic experiences. With no parents or caregivers to act as a buffer zone against stressors, they grow up in chaotic and unpredictable work environments. Child laborers are more at risk of developing a range of psychological, emotional, and behavioral problems. The authors established an 8-month psychosocial support program for child laborers and young people attending a vocational training center one day a week. The authors found that anxiety and depression moderately correlated with negative self-concept, somatization, and hostility. Toward the end of the 8-month program, participants reported improved psychological and emotional well-being. The provision of a safe and mediated psychosocial program enhanced the emotional and mental well-being of vulnerable children and young people.  相似文献   
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Prior to the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina,Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats shared neighbourhoods and friendships.The war, through its objective and effect, divided these communitiesand groups. Postconflict, the physical return of displaced personsand refugees was, and remains, insufficient to renew coexistence.Moreover, the weak economy aggravates divisions, further impedingsustainable return and reconciliation. Recognising these difficulties,UNHCR launched ‘Imagine Coexistence,’ a series ofactivities designed to rebuild trust among ethnic groups inareas of return. Many of the activities involved an income-generatingcomponent. The article reviews this and other similar initiativesthat aim to promote livelihoods, community development, returnand coexistence concurrently. It finds that while such inventiveprojects receive limited attention and funding, they have achievedsuccesses in repairing social relationships, addressing povertyand strengthening communities in Bosnia. Consequently, theyshould be given greater prominence in Bosnia and more generallyin the design of transitional justice and peace building interventions.  相似文献   
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POPULATIONS: Caucasian ( n =1243), African American ( n =1605), Hispanic ( n =454), and Native American ( n =104).  相似文献   
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The underlying assumption in this paper is that autonomy and accountability are both fundamental prerequisites for the effective functioning of state-owned enterprises. The paper first examines the traditional, dichotomous approach to the autonomy-accountability conundrum. This approach posits the relationship as process oriented, pervasive, quantitative and based on a priori controls. A more recent view of control and accountability as a posteriori, qualitative, strategic, results-oriented and non-zero sum is then briefly analysed. The paper presents a review of the theory and practice of performance contracts (PC) as tools to implement the latter approach. Three basic models of PCs—Senegal's contrat plan, Pakistan's signalling system and India's memorandum of understanding—have been analysed, comparing the negotiating process, major players, substantive elements and results. The contrat plan is more of a legal document, at least in formal terms, than the other two. None of the three models, however, provides any sanctions in case of a violation of the contract by the governments. Although the Indian and Pakistani PCs appeared to be more successful than the Senegalese contracts, the relationship between financial performance and performance contracts remains far from conclusive. In all the three countries, the contracts have failed to provide a single window through which government-enterprise interface can be effectively managed. Thus the problem of multiple principals and single agents remains unresolved.  相似文献   
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