Chemical identification and optimization of the 4-aminophenol colorimetric test for the differentiation between hemp-type and marijuana-type cannabis plant samples

The 4- Aminophenol (4-AP) colorimetric test is a fast, easy-to-use, and cost-effective presumptive assay of cannabis plant material producing different chromophores with THC-rich cannabis (blue color) and with CBD-rich cannabis (pink color). The main drawback of the 4-AP test is a brief observation window where the color rapidly changes to black, limiting the utility of the test. We now report for the first time, the identification of the product chromophores between 4-AP and CBD/THC as well as propose an explanation and a solution for the color degradation of the chromophores. The identification of the chromophores is provided by spectroscopic (UV–Vis), chromatography, and mass spectrometry (TLC and LC-QToF-MS). Oxidation of excess 4-AP (Reagent A) in the presence of NaOH (Reagent B) produces the black color observed for the previously reported 4-AP tests and reported in the literature. The adjustment of reactants concentrations and volumes of 4-AP:THC/CBD to a 1:1 ratio significantly reduces the black oxidation by-product and increases the observation window up to 2 h instead of the previously reported 5–10 min. For the first time, mass spectrometry and chromatography confirmed that the reaction of THC and CBD with 4-AP produced chromophores with m/z (M + H) = 420, consistent with proposed indophenol structures. The TLC method developed confirmed the separation between CBD and THC chromophores. The specificity of the test is also reported, showing false positive results for the presence of THC (blue color) for samples of thyme and oregano. LDA and SIMCA models showed that the optimized 4-AP procedure performs better than the previously reported 4-AP color test.     

Emergence of fentanyl-related deaths in Travis County,Texas and surrounding areas: A retrospective review of postmortem fentanyl-related drug toxicities from 2020 to 2022

The opioid epidemic has affected the United States (US) for decades with fentanyl and its analogs accounting for a recent surge in morbidity and mortality. Currently, there is a relative lack of information characterizing fentanyl-related fatalities specifically in the Southern US. A retrospective study was conducted to examine all postmortem fentanyl-related drug toxicities in Travis County, Texas, encompassing Austin (one of the fastest-growing cities in the US), from 2020 to 2022. Fentanyl contributed to 2.6% and 12.2% of deaths submitted for toxicology between 2020 and 2022, respectively, representing a 375% increase in fentanyl-related deaths over this 3-year period (n = 517). Fentanyl-related fatalities primarily occurred in males in their mid-30s. Fentanyl and norfentanyl concentrations ranged from 0.58 to 320 ng/mL and 0.53 to 140 ng/mL with mean (median) concentrations of 17.2 ± 25.0 (11.0) and 5.6 ± 10.9 (2.9) ng/mL, respectively. Polydrug use was present in 88% of cases, with methamphetamine (or other amphetamines) (25%), benzodiazepines (21%), and cocaine (17%) representing the most frequently identified concurrent substances. Co-positivity rates of various drugs and drug classes widely varied over time. Scene investigations reported illicit powder(s) (n = 141) and/or illicit pill(s) (n = 154) in 48% (n = 247) of fentanyl-related deaths. Illicit oxycodone (44%, n = 67) and illicit “Xanax” (38%, n = 59) pills were frequently reported on scene; however, toxicology only identified oxycodone and alprazolam in 2 and 24 of these cases, respectively. The results of this study provide a better understanding of the fentanyl epidemic in this region creating an opportunity to promote increased awareness, shift focus to harm reduction, and aid in minimizing public health risks.     

The power of informality: European Union’s engagement with non-state actors in Common Security and Defence Policy

This article examines the little explored issue of non-state actor (NSA) participation in the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Despite the fact that NGOs and civil society are shielded from formal access to CSDP, EU staff in both Brussels and the missions engage with them informally. Drawing on interviews with policy-makers and NSA representatives, the article analyses the practices of the EU in its engagement with NSAs, focusing on civilian missions in Georgia and Palestine. It shows that such engagement is more intense during implementation at the level of CSDP missions rather than during policy-making in Brussels. It argues that a combination of rational choice-based (functional needs of policy-makers and intensity of NSA advocacy) and constructivist (organisational and individual cultures) explanations helps us better understand why CSDP structures open up to NSAs. The article contributes to the nascent academic and policy debate on EU–civil society cooperation in CSDP and, more broadly, to the studies of informal governance in the EU and NSA participation in international organisations.