Prevalence of sexual abuse in organised competitive sport in Australia

Abstract

This article reports the first phase of a three-phase research programme investigating the prevalence and long-term sequelae associated with sexual abuse in a non-psychiatric sample of male and female Australian athletes. A cross-sectional, retrospective design, using a mailed survey, provided a quantitative assessment of sexual abuse prevalence in a national sample of elite athletes and a regional sample of club athletes. Results from the total sample (n = 370) revealed that 31% of female and 21% of male athletes reported experiencing sexual abuse at some time in their lives. Of these, 41% of females, and 29% of males had been sexually abused within the sports environment. It was also found that almost half, 46.4%, of the elite group reporting sexual abuse had been sexually abused by sports personnel. For the club group, this figure was 25.6%. Implications of these results and current initiatives for the prevention of sexual abuse of athletes in Australia are discussed.     

Foreclosing on the American dream? The financial consequences of low-income homeownership

Federal programs have consistently encouraged ever-lower-income households to buy homes, despite concerns about the long-term sustainability and desirability of homeownership from the perspective of wealth-building, especially since the recent housing market collapse and the epidemic of mortgage foreclosures. We ask in this paper: can very low-income households build wealth through sustainable homeownership, with the aid of an innovative public program? We answer this question by examining 122 very low-income households who purchased their homes between 1996 and 2007 after completing an extensive asset-building and homeownership education/counseling program offered by the Housing Authority of the City and County of Denver (DHA), called HOP. We analyze our own longitudinal surveys and focus groups, as well as data compiled from administrative agency sources, real estate records, and longitudinal census data from the Neighborhood Change Database and the Piton Foundation's Neighborhood Facts Database. We find that homeownership attained through HOP typically did provide very low-income households with opportunities to build home equity (both absolutely and relative to generic homeowner cohorts in Denver) and net wealth, although this was contingent on time of purchase and ethnicity. Our multivariate analyses revealed that changes in annualized home equity appreciation were associated with the ethnic composition of the neighborhood and age of property. Annualized wealth accumulation was associated with annualized home equity appreciation, being married throughout the tenure of homeownership, and year of home purchase. HOP homebuyers received exceptionally favorable initial mortgage terms and conditions, often enhanced with down-payment assistance from their own DHA escrow account or from local housing and neighborhood development organizations, resulting in a dramatically low rate of default and foreclosure to date. Moreover, HOP homebuyers were not immune to financial stresses, and the continuing lack of wealth for many makes them vulnerable to future interruptions in primary wage earner's employment or health. We discuss the implications for low-income homeownership policy and argue that the goal of expanding homeownership opportunities should not be abandoned.     

Jocks, gender, binge drinking, and adolescent violence

Previous research has suggested a link between athletic involvement and elevated levels of adolescent violence outside the sport context. The present study expanded on this literature by positing differences in the sport-violence relationship across dimensions of athletic involvement (athletic participation vs. jock identity), type of violence (family vs. nonfamily), and gender as well as by examining the impact of binge drinking on the sport-violence relationship. Regression analyses using a sample of 608 Western New York adolescents indicated that (a) jock identity (but not athletic participation) was associated with more frequent violence, (b) jock identity predicted nonfamily violence (but not family violence), and (c) the link between jock identity and nonfamily violence was stronger for boys than for girls. Binge drinking predicted family violence among nonjocks only.     

THE PRIVATE SECTOR IN PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING PROGRAMS

Assimilating disadvantaged workers in labor markets has been the focus of national policy initiatives for at least two decades. In recent years, public policies have been formulated which will not only provide incentives for the private sector to employ the disadvantaged, but also afford the private sector a larger responsibility in formulating and implementing targeted employment programs. The Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA) and Target Jobs Tax Credit (TJTC) are two major examples. This paper initially reviews the public and private employment and training efforts between 1962 and 1982. Considerable attention is given to summarizing and evaluating the performance of these efforts, especially in light of recent program initiatives by the Reagan Administration.     

Ideas, Paradigms and Institutions: Agricultural Exceptionalism in the European Union and the United States

The differing trajectory of agricultural policy reforms in the 1990s in the world's two most important agricultural powers, the United States and the European Community/Union (EC/EU), can only be fully understood by appreciating the role that ideas play in policy outcomes. The idea of agricultural exceptionalism underwrote a paradigm of state assistance in the US and the EC/EU. By the mid-1980s, the state assistance paradigm was under stress, and subject to a number of anomalies in both the US and the EC. But while the paradigm was overthrown and replaced with a market liberal model in the US grain sector in the 1990s, it remained intact in the European Union. Explaining why agricultural exceptionalism and the state assistance paradigm has endured in the EU while it has withered in the US highlights three factors: the importance of the political institutional framework in locking in—or not—policy principles and instruments; the degree of fit of a sectoral policy paradigm with the broader societal ideational framework regarding appropriate relations between the state, the market, and the individual; and the capacity of a paradigm to adjust in the face of challenges and anomalies.     

The application of Canadian and U.S. trade remedy laws: irreconcilable expectations?

Abstract: The Canada-United States free trade agreement provides for the creation of a bilateral panel to settle trade disputes between Canada and the United States. Mandated to determine whether existing domestic trade remedy laws have been applied “correctly and fairly,” the bilateral panel has been heralded as ensuring an end to bias, protectionism and political interference in the U.S. trade remedy system. A review of recent decisions with respect to the application of countervailing duties on agricultural commodities in Canada and the United States traces the bias and protectionism in both countries to the considerable discretion allowed trade law administrators. While both systems are defensive of domestic interests, there is more direct political involvement in the U.S. system. The differing degree of political intervention reflects the differing expectations and traditions of the two countries: the Canadian tradition of political independence of administrative tribunals, the U.S. expectation of political direction on trade issues. This contrast, plus the ample interpretive discretion allowed trade remedy authorities in both countries, indicates the potential for appreciable differences in how the United States and Canada are likely to interpret what constitutes a “correct and fair” application of trade relief laws. Sommaire: L'Accord de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis prévoit la création d'une commission bilatérale pour trancher les conflits commerciaux entre les deux pays. Chargée de déterminer si les lois actuelles visant à corriger une situation estimée injuste dam le domaine du commerce ont été appliquées de façon juste et correcte, cette commission, annonce-t-on, devrait permettre de mettre un terme à la partialité, au protectionnisme et à une ingérence politique dans le système de protection américain. Dans l‘étude qui a été effectuée récemment à propos de l'application des droits de rétorsion sur les produits agricoles au Canada et aux États-LJnis, on indique que la partialité et le protectionnisme sont dus au large pouvoir discrétionnaire dont bénéficie dans les deux pays les administrateurs des lois commerciales. Si les deux systèmes protègent les intérêts de leur pays respectif, la politique joue un rôle beaucoup plus direct dans le système américain. Cette différence au niveau de l'intervention politique reflète les différences existant au niveau des attentes et des traditions entre les deux pays: au Canada, la tradition veut que les tribunaux administratifs soient indépendants alors qu'aux Éats-Unis on s'attend à recevoir des directives du gouvernement en ce qui concerne les questions commerciales. Ce facteur, auquel s'ajoute la grande liberté d'interpétation dont bénéficient dans les deux pays les responsables des mesures de protection, montre qu'il y a de grandes chances pour que le Canada et les États-Unis ne partagent pas le même point de vue sur ce qui constitue une interprétation “juste et correcte” des mesures de protection commerciales.