Transnational Strategic Networks and Policymaking in Chile: CORFO's High Technology Investment Promotion Program

Once prey to government patrimonial practices, the Corporación de Fomento de la Producción (CORFO), Chile's economic development agency, overcame this problem in the early 1990s. In 2000 CORFO established a High Technology Investment Promotion Program to promote foreign direct investment in high technology and other nontraditional sectors. This article applies concepts of political survival and cooperation to explain how CORFO moved from patrimonialism to technocratic independence. Then it demonstrates that governments possessing technocratic independence but lacking other characteristics typically associated with successful investment promotion efforts can develop transnational strategic networks of individuals, business associations, and universities to facilitate their learning process in order to devise more effective strategies to promote nontraditional FDI.     

A Research Note on the Cost of Not Being White in Brazil

This research note revisits the theme of “the cost of not being white in Brazil.” Based on 1996 National Household Survey (PNAD) data, the results point out to still sizeable and significant monetary disadvantages suffered by nonwhites in the Brazilian labor market. It is estimated that about 18 percent of the white-nonwhite income gap can be attributed to differential rates of return to human capital investments and to other individual characteristics between the race/color groups. Nelson do Valle Silva is Researcher at Laboratorio Nacional de Computacao Cientifica and Professor at Instituto Universitario de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro. His most recent books areMobilidade Social no Brasil, Sao Paulo: Makron Books, 1999 (with J. Pastore) andCor e Estratificacao Social no Brasil Rio: Contracapa, 1999 (with C. Hasenbalg and M. Lima). He received his Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Michigan.     

Designating the official opposition in a Westminster parliamentary system

Of all Westminster‐type representative assemblies, Canada's presents an unusually high number of cases where parties rank equal in second place, disputing the role of official opposition, both in the aftermath of an election or during a parliamentary session when party fortunes change. Although exceptional, the phenomenon is not at all uncommon; however, the uncertainty that characterises each of its occurrences indicates that no general rule has ever been drawn from doctrine or jurisprudence, as attested by the latest (1999) decision rendered by Speaker Scott in Nova Scotia. Thus, speculation persists whenever the situation presents itself. This paper attempts some rulings based on the distinction of context proper to 12 historical cases studied. It may help remove the uncertainty that plagues democratic systems in Canada as well as in any other Westminster‐type legislatures around the world.     

Female prisoners' understanding of ‘bullying’ and their methods of coping: a multinational perspective

Abstract

Whilst prison bullying is a well-researched form of aggressive behaviour, recent studies have suggested that there may be discrepancy between how prisoners and researchers understand the term ‘bullying’. Interviews with 26 female prisoners were subject to constant comparison framework analysis. More than 150 themes were identified. These suggested that whilst there is overall agreement between prisoners and researchers as to what behaviours constitute bullying, a consensus does not exist within the prisoner population. Behaviours identified as bullying behaviours by prisoners are also reported as methods of coping. Cultural differences in behaviour and how these relate to perceptions of aggression were identified by the women prisoners. The findings of this study have implications for researching bullying in institutions such as prisons, and for managing and intervening with bullies in prisons.