Whose shortage of affordable housing?

Abstract

Shortfalls of low‐rent units are repeatedly cited as the rationale for programs to expand the supply of affordable housing. But the poverty‐level rents studied fall well below those of major supply programs. To reassess whether HOME and the low‐income housing tax credit (LIHTC) address actual shortfalls, this article compares numbers of units with renters by measuring both affordability and incomes with the median‐income‐based metric used for all federal rental programs.

During the 1980s, there were growing surpluses of units affordable to renters with incomes between 50 and 80 percent of their area's median income, a “low‐income” range that includes most HOME and LIHTC rents. By contrast, shortages were severe and growing only at rents affordable to households with incomes below 30 percent of area median. Examination of these shortfalls and the problems they create implies that programs to expand supply are not widely needed.     

“The United States Stands Ready to Be of Assistance”: On the Politics and Humanitarianism of Natural Disaster

This article asks how American understandings of foreign natural disaster have evolved over time. Are the political and humanitarian concerns surrounding disaster and disaster aid radically different now from what they were a century ago? Through an analysis of presidential statements and major newspaper editorials following foreign natural disaster, I find that there has indeed been significant change. Notions of post-disaster humanitarianism have broadened significantly, with, among other things, disaster aid going from being discussed as an act of charity to an understood responsibility. Furthermore, the political side of foreign natural disaster has moved beyond the political effects of disaster itself to include the political causes of “natural” disaster and the political causes and effects of disaster aid. These and other patterns are used to consider the relationship between politics and humanitarianism more generally.     

In the wake of revolution: Eastern Europe in the 1990s

Summary

A ‘new world order’ and a ‘Europe whole and free’ are phrases that epitomize the hopeful rhetoric born of East European revolutions in 1989. In the three years since we were awed by the courage of citizens disgusted with communist party rule, and surprised by the rapidity of such regimes’ demise, socio‐economic and political realities have dimmed hopes and constrained expectations. The work of building free governments and free markets after decades of neglect and abuse faces East Europeans in the 1990s and beyond.

The dangers suggested above are not hyperbole, and represent real and present threats to the hopes of Poles, Romanians, and the other people, for better futures. Comparisons across the region are much less valid than at any time in the last half century. Nevertheless, the goals of post‐communist leaders ‐ security, democracy and market ‐ face similar extraordinary challenges that can easily derail these processes. Americans and our longstanding allies cannot ensure the survival and further development of East European democracy, but we must certainly be more engaged in helping them help themselves.     

Does compliance matter? Assessing the relationship between sovereign risk and compliance with international monetary law

An important theory of international cooperation asserts that governments comply with international law because of the reputational costs incurred by reneging on public agreements. Countries that sign binding international agreements in the realm of monetary relations signal their commitment to an open economic system, which should reassure international market actors that the government is committed to sound economic policies. If the theory is correct, we should observe evidence that noncompliance is in fact costly. I test this argument by examining the effect of noncompliance with Article VIII of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement on sovereign risk ratings. The results show that noncompliance with the agreement mitigates any benefits that accrue to Article VIII signatories. The empirical evidence suggests that, in addition to improving economic and political conditions at home, governments in the developing world would improve their access to financial markets by signing and complying with international monetary agreements.     

Secret Law Revisited

What follows is an attempt to do some conceptual housekeeping around the notion of secret law as provided by Christopher Kutz (2013). First I consider low‐salience (or merely obscure) law, suggesting that it fails to capture the legal and moral facts that are at stake in the case which Kutz used to motivate it. Then I outline a theoretical contrast between mere obscurity and secrecy, in contrast to the “neutral” account of secrecy provided by Sissela Bok (1989). The upshot of the two sections is that low‐salience law is neither secret law nor necessarily problematic, though it closely resembles a kind of law that is both secret and problematic, namely, those legal obscurities that subvert manifest interests related to the informational needs of citizens. The ensuing argument undermines the fiction of constructive presence found in Austin and Blackstone.     

A microscopic comparison of fresh and burned bone.

Examination of the microstructure of human bone is useful in estimating age at death in forensic science cases. This technique has been tested and is well accepted, however samples of burned bone may complicate analysis because of possible changes in the microstructure occurring during the burning process. In a comparison of fresh and burned ground thin sections taken from midshaft femorae of eight dissecting-room cadavers of known age and sex, this study finds significant shrinkage of microstructural elements through the burning process. These results are compared to previous work on the subject, which found the microstructural elements to increase through the burning process.     

Applications of crime seriousness information in police departments

This article describes the use of crime seriousness information in police operations. It is based on a project at the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department in which eight weeks of crime information were coded using the Sellin-Wolfgang seriousness scale. Statistics were then derived which quantified the seriousness of the various categories of crimes. Several applications were investigated based on the crime seriousness data. These included: (1) case assignment to detectives, (2) allocation of patrol personnel, and (3) determination of the size and location of patrol beats. Areas for future research are presented involving the use of crime seriousness data.     

Changing the method for calculating quarters of coverage: the impact on workers' insured status

The 1977 Social Security Amendments specified that, beginning in 1978, a worker would be credited with one quarter of coverage for a designated amount of annual earnings. For 1978, a worker received one quarter of coverage (up to a total of four) for each $250 in annual earnings from employment or self-employment. Before 1978, a worker who was paid $50 in wages in a calendar quarter was credited with a quarter of coverage. A person who had $400 or more in self-employment income in a year was credited with four quarters of coverage. Some workers received more quarters of coverage under the new provisions than they would have under the old, and other workers received less. Since a worker's receipt of benefits depends on his or her insured status, which is based on quarters of coverage, this change can affect a worker's eligibility for benefits. This study indicates that if $250 in annual earnings had been required for one quarter of coverage in 1977, more than 2.1 million workers would have had a change in their insured status for disabled worker benefits, and about 700,000 workers would have had a change in their insured status for survivor benefits. Those whose insured status was affected were most likely to have had marginal earnings records--for example, they had four to seven quarters of coverage when six were needed. (This effect was expected when the legislation was passed.) This article examines those whose eligibility for benefits was most likely to have been affected.