Shared Services: Lessons from the Public and Private Sectors for the Nonprofit Sector

Shared services arrangements in the Australian third sector are becoming more common. Notably, however, there is a lack of information to guide nonprofit organisations through the development and engagement of shared structures. This article reviews the lessons that have been recorded from the public and private sectors with respect to the engagement of shared services arrangements. Additionally this article explores the different types of shared services structures that can be adopted. Overall, this article highlights the need for further research and analysis of issues relating to shared services arrangements in order to assist the increasing number of Australian nonprofit organisations engaging these collective arrangements and structures.     

Sterling,Bretton Woods,and Social Democracy, 1968–1970

Following the November 1967 sterling devaluation, the British Labour government of Harold Wilson struggled to defend the new exchange rate of £1?=?$2.40. Sterling's travails continued throughout 1968 and well into 1969 despite growing evidence that the external balance was moving into the black. Its problems arose from external difficulties, notably from the growth of footloose balances of foreign currencies—especially Eurodollars—within the international economy and from instability caused by the decline of the Bretton Woods system. Labour was determined to protect the new exchange rate, since a new devaluation or even a float would have led to a run on the pound, the collapse of its economic strategy, and the failure of its attempt to build a social-democratic order in Britain. It was successful in the end thanks to growing confidence in its policies and to belated international co-operation designed to salvage the Bretton Wood regime.     

Disagreement over 'relevant sector' when determining prior art under the Community design right

This case concerns assessment of the relevant product sectorto determine what constitutes prior art when examining whethera design, having previously been ‘made available to thepublic’, would not qualify for protection as a Communityregistered design for lack of novelty.     

The consequences of potentially differing distributions of the refractive indices of glass fragments from control and recovered sources

In forensic cases involving glass evidence, the variance of the recovered glass refractive index (RI) has been observed to be larger than the variance of the control glass RI. This has consequences for subsequent interpretation. To investigate this phenomenon, a study was made of the probable distributions of refractive indices of the recovered glass given a range of casework type scenarios involving breakage and backscatter. An investigation of the consequences of any distribution differences with regard to casework was also made. It was discovered that the inclusion of surface fragments from the float surface of the glass can have a profound effect on the comparison of recovered and control glass samples. The effect was largest when a breaker was striking the float surface of a window. In particular, it was found that the inclusion of a few surface fragments even post grouping is sufficient by itself to explain the observed differences in variance of RI between control and recovered groups. Surface fragments, if present, are very likely to be treated as outliers and to be deemed as non-matching. The findings of this paper challenge routine glass examination procedure and suggest that knowledge of which surface is facing the striker is valuable information in interpretation.     

Beliefs in Government

This article conveys the general findings of the multi-national, multi-volume Beliefs in Government research project, perhaps the most exhaustive analysis of mass beliefs and attitudes conducted in the west. In spite of considerable socio–economic change in recent decades, the study provides evidence of political stability, continuity and adaptability in west European countries. This suggests that political scientists should pay more attention than hitherto to pressures for inertia and continuity in western democracies.     

A psychometric examination of English and Spanish versions of the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales

The psychometric properties of the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2) are examined for English-speaking (n = 211) and Spanish-speaking (n = 194) Latino women. Internal consistency of total scale scores is satisfactory (Cronbach's alpha of .70 to .84). However, subscale alphas range from .46 to .80. Confirmatory factor analyses support five factors of negotiation, minor and severe psychological aggression, and minor and severe physical assault. In unconstrained two-group models, loadings are of similar magnitude across language of administration, with the exception of the Physical Assault scales. Unconstrained and constrained model comparisons show scale structure varied by language group for physical assault. Although results of this study show some comparability for English-speaking and Spanish-speaking Latinas, simply combining results across language groups may obscure important differences in rates of endorsement and patterns of responses reflecting cultural, educational, and economic differences.     

The National Press and Party Voting in the UK

The difficulty with resolving the classic problem of whether newspapers influence voting patterns is self-selection: readers select a paper to fit their politics, and newspapers select particular types of readers. One way round this chicken-and-egg problem is to compare the voting behaviour of individuals whose politics are reinforced by their paper, with those who are cross-pressured by their paper, and to compare both with those who do not regularly read a paper. Using the British Household Panel study to analyse voting patterns in 1992 and 1997, this study suggest that newspapers have a statistically significant effect on voting, larger for Labour than Conservative sympathizers, and larger for the 1992 than the 1997 election. The broader implications of these findings for British politics and democracy are discussed.     

Highly polymorphic minisatellite DNA probes. Further evaluation for individual identification and paternity testing

Reliable and reproducible protocols have been developed for the routine DNA fingerprinting of individuals using the highly polymorphic minisatellite DNA probes 33.15 and 33.6. Comparison of DNA fingerprinting from 50 individuals has generated further data on the level of band sharing in the DNA fingerprints of unrelated individuals, as well as the number of bands scorable in individuals. These results are consistent with previous studies. The occurrence of mutant bands in offspring has been examined in over 100 families. Further support is presented for the Mendelian inheritance of minisatellite loci and for lack of significant allelism and linkage between different variable DNA fragments detected in a human DNA fingerprint.     

It’s Not the Media,Stupid

It is commonly believed that the general public is heavily dependent on the media for its political news and views and that, as a consequence, the media exercise a strong influence over public opinion and behaviour. However, many millions in the Western world strongly believe things that are barely ever mentioned in the mainstream media, just as many millions also firmly reject or ignore some of the messages that are repeated incessantly by them. This confirms sixty years of experimental psychology research showing that most individuals are capable of preserving their beliefs, even in the face of overwhelming evidence, argument and logic to the contrary. Consistent with this, political science research finds little evidence of strong media influence on the party voting, political attitudes and election agendas of citizens. They have their own ways of gathering political information about the world around them, and they do not necessarily believe what they read in the papers, unless they are so inclined to start with. Consequently, media influences on mass opinion and behaviour are weaker than commonly assumed and, such as they are, their effects are more beneficial than harmful for democracy.