It’s Not the Media,Stupid

It is commonly believed that the general public is heavily dependent on the media for its political news and views and that, as a consequence, the media exercise a strong influence over public opinion and behaviour. However, many millions in the Western world strongly believe things that are barely ever mentioned in the mainstream media, just as many millions also firmly reject or ignore some of the messages that are repeated incessantly by them. This confirms sixty years of experimental psychology research showing that most individuals are capable of preserving their beliefs, even in the face of overwhelming evidence, argument and logic to the contrary. Consistent with this, political science research finds little evidence of strong media influence on the party voting, political attitudes and election agendas of citizens. They have their own ways of gathering political information about the world around them, and they do not necessarily believe what they read in the papers, unless they are so inclined to start with. Consequently, media influences on mass opinion and behaviour are weaker than commonly assumed and, such as they are, their effects are more beneficial than harmful for democracy.     

Constitutionalism and imperialism Sub Specie Spinozae

This paper examines the public, private and political in the work of Adriana Cavarero by drawing upon the situations of two women whose lives feature in her work: Elizabeth I and Penelope. It includes an analysis of the way in which Cavarero is rethinking Hannah Arendt’s view of ‘the political.’ Cavarero’s exposition of the metaphor of the King’s two bodies in the common law is explored, along with her critique of hylomorphism. Finally, it extends her work in Stately Bodies by considering different images of the power of the body in later political discourses regarding the worker’s body and the effect of the advance of techno-science. This paper was presented at ‘The State He’s In – Political Philosophy and the Figural: A Conference with Adriana Cavarero on her book Stately Bodies: Literature, Philosophy and the Question of Gender’ at Warwick University, Department of Philosophy in May 2004. I would like to thank Adriana and all the conference participants for their comments. Thanks also to the referees of this paper. I have kept the informal style of presentation from the conference, along with the emphasis upon theoretical, rather than historical, analysis.     

The effect of annealing on the variation of glass refractive index

The variation of refractive index (RI) over a non-toughened, float pane of glass and a toughened, float pane of glass was investigated. The two panes of colourless, float glass were cut into 150 5 cm × 5 cm squares. The pre- and post-annealing RI values from three random areas from each square were measured. Bayesian statistical hierarchical modelling of the results showed that for the non-toughened, float glass pane annealing increased the variability in RI by a factor of 1.29-1.58, with a mean of 1.43 (with 95% probability); and for the toughened, float pane of glass annealing decreased the variability in RI by a factor of 0.63-0.76, with a mean of 0.69 (with 95% probability). In addition it was found that although there were no systematic differences in ΔRI across either pane of glass, there were observable differences across both panes of glass. These results provide information regarding the expected RI variation over entire panes of both non-toughened and toughened float window glass for both pre- and post-annealing RI measurements.     

Determining the Method Threshold of Identification via Gas Chromatography–Mass Spectrometry of Weathered Gasoline Extracted from Burnt Nylon Carpet,

The Organization of Scientific Area Committees defines threshold of identification as the minimum concentration of ignitable liquid identifiable from gas chromatographic‐mass spectrometry data using accepted pattern identification criteria. We propose a method for determining this threshold for gasoline based on base peak to qualifier ratios of six compounds. The ion ratios were established for each compound in the neat gasoline. These ratios were then compared to those obtained for gasoline and 98% weathered gasoline both spiked onto burnt nylon carpet at 20 ppt down 0.50 ppt, and recovered from the carpet using headspace extraction (ASTM 1412). Identification was confirmed if the compounds’ ion ratios fell within ±25% of that in the neat sample. We found that ion ratios for all samples were acceptable for six compounds at 1.60 and 0.80 ppt for extracted neat and extracted 98% weathered gasoline, respectively, illustrating potential for incorporating into Quality Assurance Programs.     

Voluntary Organisations and Community Politics: Norwegian and British Comparisons

The study reported in this article compares local political activity of voluntary organizations in a Norwegian and an English city — Tromsø and Birmingham. The two cities display rather striking structural similarities with respect to the relative number of organizations as well as to organizational membership. The relative distribution of major types of organizations is also rather similar, although there is a greater degree of organizational specialization in the English city.
With respect to political activity of the organizations the two cities are, however, quite different. While two thirds of the organizations in Tromsø have been active in local political matters, this holds true for less than 30 per cent of the organizations in Birmingham.
This difference is attributed to the finding that in the Norwegian case local government assists organizations with goods and services, while in the English case organizations have to depend on their own internal resources. An additional factor is that Norwegian organizations, when compared to their English counterparts, have greater access to political decision-making bodies.     

Government Communications,Political Trust and Compliant Social Behaviour: The Politics of Covid-19 in Britain

It is commonly said that the lockdowns and social distancing necessary to control coronavirus pandemics will only work if the general population trusts its government, believes the information it provides, and has confidence in its policies. This article traces the British government’s record in providing information about its policies and performance, and compares this with the public’s use of the mainstream news media. It then considers how these two sources of information affected trust in government and public compliance with social distancing and lockdown rules. Lastly, it compares Covid-19 with Brexit and draws conclusions about how beliefs and behaviour are formed when individuals are personally faced with a serious threat.     

The Grand Deception: Churchill and the Dardanelles

The Grand Deception: Churchill and the Dardanelles. By Tom Curran, edited by Andrew Bonnell (Newport, NSW: Big Sky Publishing, 2015), pp.318. Fourteen illustrations and two maps. AU$34.99 (cloth).     

The Lansdowne “Peace Letter” of 1917 and the Prospect of Peace by Negotiation with Germany

In late November 1917, Lord Lansdowne, one of the most senior of British Unionist politicians, wrote a letter to the editor of the Daily Telegraph. The letter asked for the war aims of the Entente and the USA to be “coordinated” and suggested that a moderate revision of war aims might bring a negotiated peace nearer. The letter appeared to ally Lansdowne with the British Radicals, who had been close to President Wilson (until April 1917), and had argued for a negotiated peace to end the war since the autumn of 1916. The letter was ferociously denounced by the Northcliffe press, and by many of Lansdowne's Unionist colleagues. It was supposedly a “plea for surrender” and “a national misfortune”. Nevertheless, it touched off a series of new departures in the search for a negotiated settlement: House's visit to the inter Allied Conference in December, the Labour War Aims Memorandum, Lloyd George's Caxton Hall speech, Wilson's Fourteen Points Address, and the beginning of a public parley with the Central Powers in the replies of Hertling and Czernin in January 1918. The paper examines the possibilities for a negotiated peace during the winter of 1917–1918, that is, in the period between the publication of Lansdowne's famous letter and the sudden Versailles “Knockout Blow” Declaration of February 1918 which rejected out of hand any prospect of negotiation. The paper examines Wilson's ambiguous position in this debate, and in particular the evolution of moderate opinion inside Germany in reaction to these events. The paper suggests the unfortunate enfeeblement of moderate opinion in Germany in the face of the apparent triumph of “knockout blow” opinion in the Entente camp.     

Gorbachev,Mitterrand, and the Emergence of the Post-Cold War Order in Europe

More than two decades since the Cold War's end, the new ‘united’ Europe resembles the old divided one, without the ideological cleavage. Transferred farther east, the continent's re-division condemned Russia to Europe's fringes where it remains today. Some scholars trace the origins of this fault line to 1989–1990, blaming the United States, Germany and the USSR for failing to erect pan-European security foundations. Few, however, focus on the not insubstantial role of France in this story. Mikhail Gorbachev's close ties with his intellectual mentor François Mitterrand contributed to the failure in unexpected ways. This essay explains this element in the history of the pan-European idea while also shedding light on the politics behind the birth of the EU.