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191.
Maslen and colleagues offer an excellent model for regulating cognitive enhancement devices (CEDs), and we largely endorse their approach of extending medical device policy to include CEDs. Maslen et al. argue that since the risks and benefits of CEDs can be identified, consumers are best placed to evaluate the impact of these effects on their own wellbeing: ‘experts are to assess what the risks are, the consumer how much they matter’. In principle, we agree: consumers should be allowed to decide what risks are worth taking, but the situation is somewhat more complicated, for the evidence that consumers are in a strong position to evaluate the many risks associated with CED use is lacking. Indeed, a glance at online forums on CEDs suggests that undue risks are already being taken. Importantly, given the ease with which devices can be built using easily obtainable parts, overly tough regulation will not effectively curtail use, but rather push it underground. For these reasons, we suggest that any regulatory framework be buttressed by principles of harm reduction, providing real-world users with expert-backed recommendations for safe use. We argue for the development of tools that facilitate this dialogue, while recognizing the challenges in so doing.  相似文献   
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Liverpool Law Review - The introduction of the EU Unfair Terms in Consumer Contracts Directive in the legal system of Cyprus was the first instrument specifically dealing with the problems that...  相似文献   
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Citizenship: Rights, Community and Participation. By David Prior, John Stewart and Kieron Walsh. Pitman Publishing, 1995. Pp.194. £20.

Markets, Service and Choice. By Kieron Walsh and John Stewart. Belgrave Paper No.12. Local Government Management Board, 1995. Pp.24.

Public Services and Market Mechanisms. By Kieron Walsh. Macmillan, 1995. Pp.284. £40 hb, £12.99 pb.  相似文献   
195.
Traditional social science research tends to regard political attitudes as the product of individuals’ internal processes. This approach ignores the existence of external influences on individual attitudes, particularly that of social communication. We argue that political attitudes are neither confined to the individual, nor are they wholly social constructions. This study examines how political information is structured and communicated through a social medium. We employ multi-agent simulation to replicate and extend a previous simulation of attitude formation based on Latané’s (American Psychologist 36:343–356, 1981) theory of social impact. Specifically, our extension of the previous model incorporates motivated reasoning processes, attitude persuasiveness, and agent uncertainty in order to more accurately capture the pervasiveness of social communication. These changes allow us to model effects not previously possible, such as attitude polarization and information cascades. Results from this study show that realistic structures in the distributions of attitudes can be recreated using prevailing aggregate- and individual-level models of attitude formation. By formally modeling the dynamics of social impact, researchers gain insight into social influences on individuals’ attitudes and the consequences for public opinion.  相似文献   
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The aim of this paper is to study the main macroeconomic, financial and structural characteristics that affected current account developments in the member-states of the euro area over the period 1980–2008. The model is based on the intertemporal consumption smoothing approach according to which current account positions are determined by saving and investment decisions. The analysis uses a panel of countries that consists of the initial 12 member states of the euro area and then it expands to 17 countries aiming to see whether the enlargement or potential enlargement would in any way alter the current account determinants. All the determinants of saving and investment decisions, which include factors such as the level of development, demographics, macroeconomic policies and competitiveness, appear to be important in underpinning sustained current account positions in the euro area countries.  相似文献   
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In the Swedish parliamentary election of 7 September 2018, the biggest parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderates, both lost votes compared to their scores in the previous election, but not as many as they had feared. Commensurately, the radical-right challenger party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), which had seemed certain to profit from Sweden's dramatic experience of the European migration crisis, did well, but not as well as it had hoped. The result left the array of parliamentary forces fragmented and finely balanced. Only after months of negotiations could a government be formed. Eventually, the incumbent coalition received a renewed parliamentary mandate. At the same time, the party system was transformed.  相似文献   
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